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8.

Felix trembled, and answered, Go thy way for this time; when I have a convenient season, I will call for thee. 26 He hoped also that money should have been given him Exod. xxiii. of Paul, that he might loose him]: wherefore he sent for him the oftener, and communed with him. 27 But after two years Porcius Festus came into Felix' room Felix, willing to P shew the Jews a pleasure, left bound.

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and

z Exod. xxiii.

Paul 2. ch. xii. 8:

XXV. 1 Now when Festus was come into the province, after three days he ascended from Cæsarea to Jerusalem.

XXV.9. 14.

ver. 15.

2 aq Then the high priest and the chief of the Jews in- ach. xxiv. 1. formed him against Paul, and besought him, 3 and desired favour against him, that he would send for him to Jeru

b

15.

salem, laying wait in the way to kill him. 4 But Festus bch. xxiii. 12, answered, that Paul should be kept at Cæsarea, and that he himself would depart shortly thither. 5 Let them

n literally, becoming alarmed, answered. There is nothing in the original

to answer to

trembled."

omit, with all our oldest authorities. P render, win favour with the Jews.

married, and each time to persons of royal birth; Suetonius calls him "the husband of three queens." 25.] It is remark

able that Tacitus uses of Felix the ex-
pression, "he thought himself licensed to
commit all crimes with impunity." The
fear of Felix appears to have operated
merely in his sending away Paul: no im-
pression for good was made on him.

26.] The Julian law enacted that no one
should receive any consideration for throw-
ing a man into prison, for putting him
into bonds, or releasing him, or for a
condemnation or an acquittal. Mr. Hum-
phry observes, that Albinus, who succeeded
Festus, so much encouraged this kind of
bribery, that no malefactors remained in
prison, except those who did not offer
money for their liberation. St. Paul did
not resort to this mode of shortening his
tedious and unjust imprisonment, and
Tertullian quotes his conduct in this
respect against those who were disposed
to purchase escape from persecution: a
practice which prevailed and became a
great evil in the time of Cyprian.
27. two years] viz. of Paul's imprison-
ment.
Porcius Festus] Festus ap-
pears to have succeeded Felix in the sum-
mer or autumn of the year 60 A.D.: but
the question is one of much chronological
difficulty. He found the province wasted

I read, And.

and harassed by bands of robbers and sicarii (assassins), and the people the prey of false prophets. He died, after being procurator a very short time,-from one to two years. Josephus contrasts him, as a putter down of robbers, favourably with his successor Albinus. It was a natural wish of Felix at this time to confer obligations on the Jews, who were sending to complain of him at Rome. left Paul

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bound] There was no change in the method
of custody, see note on ver. 23. He left
him in the military custody' in which
he was.
XXV. 1. the province] The
term is properly used of a province, whether
imperial or senatorial (see note on ch. xiii.
7), but is here loosely applied to Judæa,
which was only a procuratorship, attached
to the province of Syria.
2. the high
priest] The High Priest now was Ishmael
the son of Phabi. See chronological table
in the Introduction. The term chief of
the Jews is more general than "elders,”
though most of the chief men must have
been members of the Sanhedrim. Festus,
relating this application, ver. 15, calls them
"elders." 3.] favour is explained to
mean condemnation, ver. 15. laying
wait] They were making, contriving, the
ambush already. The country was at this
time, as may be seen abundantly in Josephus,
full of sicarii (assassins): who were hired

ver. 18.

Luke xxiii. 2,

r

therefore, said he, which among you are able, go down

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ech. xviii. 14. with me, and accuse this man, if there be wickedness any in him. 6 And when he had tarried among them than ten days, he went down unto Cæsarea; and the next day sitting on the judgment seat commanded Paul to be brought. 7 And when he was come, the Jews which came d Mark xv. 3. down from Jerusalem stood round about, and laid many h. xxiv. and grievous complaints against t Paul, which they could not prove. 8 While he answered for himself, Neither against the law of the Jews, neither against the temple, nor yet against Cæsar, have I offended any thing at all. 9 But Festus, 'willing to do the Jews a pleasure, answered Paul, and said, Wilt thou go up to Jerusalem, and there be judged of these things before me? 10 y Then said Paul,

5, 13.

e ch. vi. 13: χχίν. 12 : xxviii. 17.

f ch. xxiv. 27. g ver. 20.

xviii. 14:

e

I stand at Cæsar's judgment seat, where I ought to be judged to the Jews have I done no wrong, as thou very hver. 25. ch. Well knowest. 11 h z For if I be an offender, a or have committed any thing worthy of death, I refuse not to die: but if there be none of these things whereof these accuse me, no man may deliver me unto them. I appeal unto

xxiii. 29:

xxvi. 31.

ich. xxvi. 32: xxviii. 19.

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versaries.

by the various parties to take off their ad-
5. are powerful] not, as in
A. V., "those among you that are able"
[to go down ?]: but, are powerful among
you: those who from their position and
influence are best calculated to represent
the public interests. 6.] The number

of days is variously read. It is possible
that a perverted notion of the necessity of
an absolute precision in details in the in-
spired text, may have occasioned the erasure
of one of the numbers.
8.] These
were the three principal charges to which
the "many and grievous complaints" of
the Jews referred. 9.] The question
is asked of Paul as a Roman citizen, having
a right to be tried by Roman law and
more is contained in it, than at first meets
the eye. It seems to propose only a change
of place; but doubtless in it was contained
by implication a sentence pronounced by
the Sanhedrim. The words before me may
mean no more than that the procurator
would be present and sanction the trial:

:

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Grotius interprets it "wilt thou be judged by the Sanhedrim in my presence?" Otherwise, a journey to Jerusalem would be superfluous. Festus may very probably have anticipated the rejection of this proposal by Paul, and have wished to make it appear that the obstacle in the way of Paul being tried by the Sanhedrim arose not from him, but from the prisoner himself. 10.] Paul's refusal has a positive and a negative ground--1. Casar's tribunal is my proper place of judgment: 2. To the Jews I have done no harm, and they have therefore no claim to judge me.'

I stand at Cæsar's judgment seat] Meyer quotes from Ulpian, "What is done by a procurator of Caesar, is approved as if it were done by Cæsar himself." as thou very well knowest] literally, knowest better than thou choosest to confess. We have an ellipsis of the same kind in our phrase 'to know better? it may be in this case as in 2 Tim. i. 18, 'better, than that I need say more on

Or

b

Cæsar.
12 Then Festus, when he had conferred with the
council, answered, Hast thou appealed unto Cæsar? unto
Cæsar shalt thou go. 13 And after certain days king
Agrippa and Bernice came unto Cæsarea to salute Festus.
1+ And when they had been there many days, Festus

b better, Thou hast appealed unto Cæsar (without the question: see note).

it' but I prefer the other interpretation. 11. no man may (literally, can) deliver me] Said of legal possibility: "it is not lawful for any man The dilemma here put by St. Paul is, "If I am guilty, it is not by them, but by Casar, that I must be (and am willing to be) tried, sentenced, and punished. If I am innocent, and Cæsar acquits me, then clearly none will be empowered to give me up to them: therefore, at all events, guilty or innocent, I am not to be made their victim." I appeal unto Cæsar] literally, I call upon, i. e. appeal to Cæsar. This power (of appeal to the people) having existed in very early times was ensured to Roman citizens by the Lex Valeria in the year of Rome 245, suspended by the Decemviri, but solemnly re-established after their deposition A.U.C. 305, when it was decreed that it should be unlawful to make any magistrate from whom there did not lie an appeal. When the emperors absorbed the power of the people and the tribunitial veto in themselves, the appeals to the people and to the tribunes were both made to the emperor. In Pliny's celebrated Epistle to the Emperor Trajan respecting the Bithynian Christians, we read, "Others shared in the like madness, whom, as they were Roman citizens, I noted to be sent to the metropolis." 12. the council] The convention, or assembly of citizens in the provinces, assembled to try causes on the court-days, see ch. xix. 38. A certain number of these were chosen as jurymen, for the particular causes, by the proconsul, and these were called his 'councillors,' or assessors.' So in Josephus, Cestius, on receiving an application from Jerusalem respecting the conduct of Florus, took counsel with his assessors, or council. He consulted them, to decide whether the appeal was to be conceded, or if conceded, to be at once acted on. The law provided that if the matter did not admit of delay, the appeal was not allowed. The sense is stronger and better without a question after the first clause of Festus's answer.Thus were the two- the design of Paul (ch. xix. 21), and the promise of our Lord to him (ch. xxiii. 11)-brought to their

:

Some

fulfilment, by a combination of providential circumstances. We can hardly say that these must have influenced Paul in making his appeal that step is naturally accounted for, and was rendered necessary by the difficulties which now beset him: but we may be sure that the prospect at length, after his long and tedious imprisonment, of seeing Rome, must at this time have cheered him, and caused him to hear the decision of Festus, "To Cæsar shalt thou go," with no small emotion. 13.] HEROD AGRIPPA II., son of the Herod of ch. xii. (see note on ver. 1 there), was at Rome, and seventeen only, when his father died. Claudius was about to send him to succeed to the kingdom, but was dissuaded by his freedmen and favourites, and sent Cuspius Fadus as procurator instead. Soon after, Claudius gave him the principality of Chalcis, which had been held by his uncle Herod, the presidency of the temple at Jerusalem and of its treasures,-and the appointment of the High Priest. years after the same emperor added to his jurisdiction the former tetrarchy of Philip, and Batanæa, Trachonítis, and Abiléné, with the title of King. Nero afterwards annexed Tiberias, Tarichéa, Julias, and fourteen neighbouring villages to his kingdom. He built a large palace at Jerusalem; but offended the Jews by constructing it so as to overlook the temple, and by his capricious changes in the high priesthood, and was not much esteemed by them. When the last war broke out, he attached himself throughout to the Romans. He died in the third year of Trajan, and fifty-first of his reign, aged about seventy. Bernícé] The Macedonian form (Berenicé or Beronicé) for Pherenicé. She was the eldest daughter of Herod Agrippa I., and first married to her uncle Herod, prince of Chalcis. After his death she lived with Agrippa her brother, but not without suspicion; in consequence of which she married Polemo, king of Cilicia. The marriage was, however, soon dissolved, and she returned to her brother. She was afterwards the mistress of Vespasian, and of Titus. to salute Festus] on his accession to the procuratorship, to

1 ver. 2, 3.

m ver. 4, 5.

k

k ch. xxiv. 27. declared Paul's cause unto the king, saying, There is a certain man left in bonds by Felix: 15 1about whom, when I was at Jerusalem, the chief priests and the elders of the Jews informed me, desiring to have judgment against him. 16 m To whom I answered, It is not the manner of the Romans to deliver any man [d to die], before that he which is accused have the accusers face to face, and have licence to answer for himself concerning the crime laid against him. 17 Therefore, when they were come hither, " without any delay on the morrow I sat on the judgment seat, and commanded the man to be brought forth. 18 e Against whom when the accusers stood up, they brought none accusation of such things as I supposed: och. xviii. 15: 19 but had certain questions against him of their own

n ver. 6.

xxiii. 29.

p see ch. ix.

15.

d

superstition, and of one Jesus, which was dead, whom Paul affirmed to be alive. 20 And because I doubted of such manner of questions, I asked him whether he would go to Jerusalem, and there be judged of these matters. 21 But when Paul had appealed to be reserved unto the hearing of Augustus, I commanded him to be kept till I 22 Then P Agrippa said unto might send him to Cæsar. Festus, I would also hear the man myself. To morrow, said he, thou shalt hear him. 23 And on the morrow,

render, give up.

omit, with almost all our oldest authorities.

e render, Round about.

f Most of our oldest authorities read, none evil accusation: but there are

variations among them.

8 render, religion.

gain his favour. 14. declared Paul's cause] He did this, not only because Agrippa was a Jew, but because he was (see above) governor of the temple.

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16. to give up] i. e. to his enemies, and
for destruction. On the practice of the
Romans, here nobly and truly alleged,
several citations occur in Grotius and
Wetstein. 18. Round about whom]
See ver. 7: the A. V., against whom,' is
wrong.
19.] The word rendered
religion is used by Festus in a middle
sense, certainly not as equivalent to 'super-
stition,' A. V., speaking as he was to
Agrippa, a Jew. 20.] See the real
reason why he proposed this, ver. 9. This
he now conceals, and alleges his modesty
in referring such matters to the judgment
of the Jews themselves. This would be

21.

pleasing to his guest Agrippa.
Augustus (in the Greek, Sebastos)] This
title was first conferred by the senate on
Octavianus, and borne by all succeeding

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emperors. Dio Cassius says: Augustus implies that he was something more than man: for all most revered and sacred things are called august. Whence also they called him Sebastos, after the Greek manner, as one to be adored, from sebazomai, to adore." 22. I would hear the man myself] literally, I was wishing to... It is a modest way of expressing a wish, formed in this case while the procurator was speaking, but spoken of by Agrippa as if now passed by, and therefore not pressed. See Rom. ix. 3, and note there. Agrippa, as a Jew, is anxious to hear Paul's defence, as a matter of national interest. The pro

8

when Agrippa was come, and Bernice, with great pomp, and was entered into the place of hearing, with the chief captains, and principal men of the city, at Festus' commandment Paul was brought forth. 24 And Festus said, King Agrippa, and all men which are here present with us, ye see this man, about whom all the multitude of the a ver. 2, 3, 7. Jews have dealt with me, both at Jerusalem, and also here, crying that he ought not to live any longer. 25 But rch. xxii. 22. [when] I found that he had committed nothing worthy sch. xxiii. 9, of death, and that he himself [hhath] appealed to t ver. 11, 12. Augustus, I [have] determined to send him. 26 Of whom I have no certain thing to write unto my lord. Wherefore I have brought him forth before you, and specially before thee, O king Agrippa, that, after examination had, I might have somewhat to write. 27 For it seemeth to me unreasonable to send a prisoner, [1and] not withal to signify the crimes laid against him.

XXVI. 1 Then Agrippa said unto Paul, Thou art permitted to speak for thyself. Then Paul stretched forth the hand, and answered for himself: 2 I think myself

homit.

krender, when sending.

curator's ready consent is explained, ver.
26. 23. with great pomp] Wetstein
finely remarks on the words, "This
was in the same city where the father of
Agrippa and Bernice had been eaten of
worms for his blasphemous pride."

the place of hearing] The original is a
Greek word, formed after the Latin audi-
torium perhaps no fixed hall of audience,
but the chamber or saloon set apart for
this occasion.
the chief captains]

These were the tribunes of the cohorts
stationed at Cæsarea. Stier remarks,
"Yet more and more complete must the
giving of the testimony in these parts be,
before the witness departs for Rome. In
Jerusalem, the long-suffering of the Lord
towards the rejecters of the Gospel was
now exhausted. In Antioch, the residence
of the Præses (or governor) of Syria, the new
mother church of Jewish and Gentile Chris-
tians was flourishing; here, in Cæsarea, the
residence of the procurator, the testimony
which had begun in the house of Cornelius
the centurion, had now risen upward, till
it comes before this brilliant assembly of
all the local authorities, in the presence of
the last king of the Jews." 24. all
the multitude of the Jews] At Jerusalem

i

29 xxvi. 31.

render, seeing that. 1 omit.

(ver. 1) literally, by the popular voice
(probably) of some tumultuous outcry :-
here, by their deputation. 25. that he
had committed nothing worthy of death,
and seeing that he himself ..] These
reasons did really coexist as influencing
Festus's determination. 26. no cer-

tain thing] i. e. nothing fixed, definite.
The whole matter had been hitherto ob-
scured by the exaggerations and fictions of
the Jews.
unto my lord] viz. Nero.
Augustus and Tiberius refused this title;
Caligula and (apparently) all following
bore it but it was not a recognized title
of any emperor before Domitian. Olshau-
sen remarks, that now first was our Lord's
prophecy, Matt. x. 18, Mark xiii. 9, ful-
filled. But Meyer answers well, that we
do not know enough of the history of the
other Apostles to be able to say this with
any certainty. James the greater, and
Peter, had in all probability stood before
Agrippa I. See ch. xii. 2, 3. XXVI.

1.] The stretching out of the hand by a
speaker was not, as Hammond supposes,
the same as the "beckoning with the hand"
of ch. xii. 17; xiii. 16. The latter was to
ensure silence; but this, a formal attitude
usual with orators. Apuleius describes it

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