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Anne in 1714, will be published in May | next, and the two succeeding volumes daring the present year. The materials, as far as the press has enabled us to collect, are already collected; the great difficulties of the undertaking are all overcome, and I can now, it health does not fail, pledge myself for the publication of at least three volumes in every year, until the sixteen be completed; and, in order that nothing may be wanting in the execution of the printing, and that it may be as clear and durable as possible, Mr. HANSARD, the printer, has erected a Stanhope press, the powers of which are such as to insure to a sheet so large as that of this work, an uniformity and indelibilityof impression, equal to those which are given to sheets of the smallest dimensions.In conclusion, it is necessary to state, that, though I was, from the first, confident of the final success of the work, to risk largely would have been imprudent; that, therefore, I began, and have thus far continued, with printing Fifteen. Hundred copies; but, that the subscriptions have now risen to a number sufficient to induce me to begin the Fourth volume with Two Thousand copies; and I cannot refrain from adding (I confess, with some degree of pride), that neither the Prospectus nor the Published Volumes have ever been advertised in any Newspaper, Magazine, Review, or other publication, but in the Political Register only, and, even in that, not above six or seven times. I wished to see what I was able to accomplish, in this way, with my independent powers; how far the Work would succeed by its own bare merits; how far the merit of useful labour (for to no other do we make any pretensions) would meet - with reward.--In future, when a volume is ready for delivery, an intimation thereof will be given in some of the most widelycirculated newspapers; and, it being necessary, as must be evident from the circumstances above stated, to take, thus early, precautions, calculated to prevent any broken sets remaining upon hand at the conclusion, I take this opportunity of requesting all those gentlemen, who, take the work, to send their names to their respective booksellers, as no copies of any newly published volume will, on any consideration, be sold, but to 1. purchasers of the former volumes.- -Gentlemen residing in Ireland, wishing to become subscribers, will please to apply to Mr. Archer, of Dublin.-N. B. Such Gentlemen as may be in possession of mate. rials which they may wish to contribute towards the completion of this Work, and all

others having communications of any sort to make respecting it, are requested to address their Letters to me, at No.5, Panton Square,, London.

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The several CORRESPONDENTS, whose letters have not yet been inserted, are assured, that they will all be duly attended to; but, they must perceive, that it is necessary to suit the contents of the Register to the events of the time of publication. The discussions, relative to the Poor Laws, Tythes, and Commerce in general, are not, at this mo ment, of so much immediate interest, as those relating to peace with France, and war with America.-I beg all persons, who have to write to me, upon public matters, to direct their letters to No. 5, Panton Square, London; and it is proper to add, that, for the reason before fully stated, I must decline receiving any that are not free of the charge of postage-Southampton is not the posttown of Botley; Bishop's Waltham is, Scores of letters have gone back to the 'general post-office for the want of being post-. age-free; but, after the notice that I have given, the fault is not mine.

Botley, January 13, 1808.

THE MANIAC'S POLITICS, (Extracted from the Courier of the 9th January, 1808.)

The unfortunate Maniac, whose interview with the Hon. Mr. Villiers, at CranburnLodge, in Windsor Forest, we mentioned yesterday, was last night conveyed back to the mad house at Bethnal Green. There are some particulars in this unhappy man's case, which take it out of the common course of cases of lunacy, and which are calculated to excite in a more than common degree our sympathy and our pity. His anxiety to gain an interview with Mr.Villiers was extremely great, and his solicitations so earnest, accompanying them with saying that what he had to state would be attended with such excellent effects, that the servants did not hesitate to admit him. The account, as our readers recollect, said that he wished Mr. Villiers to introduce him to His Majesty, because he had several plans to submit, and some public grievances to lay before His Majesty. Mr. Villiers naturally enquired the nature of those plans, and the subject of those grievances. The unhappy Maniac entered into them fully. He began with the Catholic question, upon which he was extremely agitated and vehement. He said that the country was lost without Catholic emancipation and without abolition of tythes; he enlarged upon Bonaparte's attachment to

religious toleration, desiring Mr, Villiers to see how the Emperor Napoleon attaches his subjects of every description to his government, and banishes religious discord from among them; that all the Catholic nations must be averse to any connexion with us; and that this was the real cause of the failure of all the coalitions against France.-He passed rapidly to the Danish expedition, against which he spoke in strong terms; calling it unprecedented, atrocious, and monstrous; praised much the pacific and gentle nature of the Danes; bemoaned the robbery committed upon them, and expressed extreme anxiety that the Danish fleet should be sent back immediately.-The next subject he took up was that of our treatment of America, and asked what must be the consequence should the voice of our desperate politicians succeed in prompting us to a war with the United States? He had at his fingers ends all the calculations about Cotton, and was quite uneasy at the distresses which the want of cotton gowns and caps might produce: asking at the same time, what is to become of the immense multitude of our population, employed in the different departments of the cotton trade, should the American cotton be excluded from our market-He was very violent upon the subject of our treatment of America, inveighed against Mr. Lyon's motion relative to the transfer by young Mr. Erskine, our minister in America, of his father's stock in the American funds, and exposed Mr. Lyon's origin, dwelling with much force upon his having emigrated from Ireland, and been sold upon his arrival in America for a couple of bulls. He said that he ment to press his Majesty to consider what was likely to be the future state of the country since a former keeper! of his Majesty's conscience had not thought proper to trust his fortune in it, but had chosen to invest his money in the American funds in preference to the British.-He was very desirous that his Majesty should enconrage petitions for peace, and talked of the 10,000 men who had lately assembled in a Toom at Oldham, in Lancashire, to draw up a petition for peace. Peace upon Bonaparte's own terms, he streniously advised, Bonaparte being disposed to treat ns with all the clePhency and moderation of a conqueror. He talked much of Lord Strangford's dispatches, and barsting into a louder tone, said, he felt it to be his duty to expose fully, and, unanswerably, the mean devices by which the Treasury advocates, and among them the accredited agents of ministers, had attempted to mislead the public into a belief that the emigration of the court of Lisbon had been

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partly owing to the measures of our Cabinet. He contended, from Lord Strangford's dispatch, that neither he nor his employers had any share whatever in the fortunate event which had taken place-that every thing was done by them which men could do to make the plan fail--and that much loss had been sustained by their blunders, notwithstanding the lucky accidents which befriended us.Lord Strangford's appointment as Minister to the Brazils, seemed to give him great uneasiness. The idea of his Lordship having translated a work of Camoens inflamed his indignation; and he said when he saw this person sent to represent, among a new and allied people, the dignity of our Sovereign, and of the bravest, most manly, truest nation on the face of the earth when he saw that the interests of England, of her commerce, and her political relations with her only remaining Ally, were to be intrusted to a young Poet, it was natural for him to give vent to feelings which he experienced in proportion to his patriotism, and in common with every thinking man.-Finally, he said, his object in his proposed interview with his Majesty was to impress upon his Majesty the necessity of calling back to his councils" all the talents, weight, character, and consideration in the country," who could alone save the country by making peace upon Bonaparte's own terms.-Mr. Villiers towards the latter end of the unhappy maniac's speech, having suggested some objections to the accuracy of his statement, he instantly took fire, and said he had all the documents in his pocket; upon which he directly pulled out a large bundle of Morning Chronicles, and said here are the documents," which he threw indignantly upon the table; hinting that he was the Windsor correspondent of the Morning Chronicle, and that the letters in that paper signed A. B.-Veritas-an EnglishmanJunius-were written by him. This may account for the great similarity between several parts of the Maniac's speech to Mr. Villiers, and some articles in the Morning Chronicle.-It may also account for the Morning Chronicle being more accurately and fully informed upon the subject of the proceedings of the Maniac at Windsor than any other paper.-Since his return to Beth nal Green, all persons "of talent, rank, weight, and consideration in the country"

have been to see him.

IRELAND, AS IT IS,
VINDEX, LETTER I.

SIR,The accumulating dangers of the British Empire, the vast importance of the

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the sordid influence of avarice and personal ambition. That power, which was so eagerly sought for private ends, was exercised without much regard to public interests. If the men in office could but preserve their places, they were little solicitous for the re

resources, which may be derived from Ireland, for surmounting them, and your persevering and public spirited endeavours, to direct public attention to the situation of that unhappy country, must inevitably force the consideration of its atlairs upon parliament, at an early period of the approaching session.moval of public grievances. The nation beThe measures, pursuing by the patriots on the other side of the channel, and the language, held by their partisans on this, shew clearly, that the subject will be brought into discussion, without a possibility of option or alternative. Indeed, so many, so various, and such essential interests depend upon the unanimous co-operation of all parts of the empire, at this moment of expected universal warfare, that the legislature could not, consistently with its constitutional duty, abstain from a solemn inquiry into the causes of discontents, notoriously existing in any one part of the kingdom, with a view to re-establish universal harmony, by a wise and salutary redress of limited or local grievances. Taking it for granted, therefore, that either, from a sense of duty, the parliament, or, from party motives, the ousted faction, will bring this most important question into early discussion, I am persuaded, that a fair, a candid, and an impartial statement of the real situation of that country, will not be unacceptable to your readers, and may have very beneficial effects, by removing the gross misconceptions that too generally prevail upon this subject.-It has been the lot of Ireland, during the whole of last century, to be made the sport, and the prey of the factions, that successively possessed them selves of the government there. The same cant words, that marked the distinctions of - parties in this country, were adopted with equal zeal, and maintained with more opposition and obstinacy in that. Red hot loyalty and hollow and hypocritical patriotism, proved alternately, the instruments of party aggrandisement. The men at the head of affairs were frequently changed, but the measures of the executive continued uniform and unaltered, into whatever hands the administration of affairs might have fallen. Popular complaints, and public grievances were equally postponed by every faction, to the more interesting objects of promoting family jobs, and providing for party connections, Any liberal system of policy was incompatible with such contracted views and selfish principles. There could be no generous expansion of motive, no upright or enlightened principle of administration, whilst the source of every noble impulse, of every exalted sentiment was contaminated in the bearts of all descriptions of public men, by

came successively the dupe, and the tool of cunning courtiers, and canting demagogues; who, as they ascended to power, by deceiring the people, invariably endeavoured to preserve it by betraying them. Hence that distraction of councils, that rancourous hostility of political antagonists, which spread animosity and disunion throughout the kingdom, and laid the foundation for those deplorable scenes, which can never be remembered without affliction, nor contemplated but with horror. Several important mea sures, however, had been, from time to time accomplished, highly conducive to the prosperity and independence of Ireland; but their success was, in no smail degree, owing to critical times and fortunate combinations of circumstances. Much had been done, but much still remained to be atchieved; when designing men, taking advantage of the want of confidence in public characters, and the sense of disappointment on the part of the people, precipitated a convulsion, that threatened immediate ruin to that, and great and imminent danger to every other part of the empire. The storm was some time gr thering, whilst all the phenomena of the po litical atmosphere portended a dreadful explosion. The eventful moment at length arrived, when by the favour of Providence, the vigilance of the existing government, and the jarring elements, which produced the tempest, the havoc it occasioned, was, in a great measure, confined to the spot upon which it burst. The shock was violent and tremendous, but the fury of the hurricane was soon spent; yet, though an apparent calm succeeded, the bodings of just apprehension had not been so easily silenced, and the distant, but scarce perceptible rumblings of new convulsions seemed to attest, that the hour of peril was not then past. This was the state of things in Ireland, when the question of an incorporating union was brought forward. Alive to the dangers, that hung over the country, aware of the fruitlessness of hope, for measures of conciliation from their own distracted parliament, and anxious to transfer the cause of a whole people, from partial, provoked, and prejudiced judges, to the bar of a liberal and enlightened legislature, every man in Ireland, who loved British connection, and detested French principles and Fraternity, gave his cordial

the parricidal extinction of his country from the nations of the world, or who would not have preferred even the mockery of independence to the reality of subjection, aggravated by the continuance of unmitigated political oppression. It was upon the distinct and recognized admission, that the union would lead to the total abolition of those odious restrictions, which had so long dis figured and disgraced the Irish code, that the union was so effectually supported. For, as his Majesty's reign had been distinguished by successive acts, for the relief of his Catholic subjects from disabilities, imposed up. on them in times of turbulence and danger, and these acts had uniformly originated with the government, and were pressed upon the Irish Parliament, it could never have entered into the head of any one, that any opposition to the final abolition of all distinctions was to be apprehended in any quarter, after the demise of that parliament. Still less could it have been apprehended, that such an opposition would have been made by any branch of that legislature, which had ap

and strenuous support to the measure. It would be invidious, as it would now be ungenerous, to impute sinister motives to those, who, in parliament, opposed the union. They are now politically defunct as a body, and it is not my disposition to violate the sanctity of the tomb, or insult the ashes of the dead. History will do justice to their motives and their conduct; and, in deciding upon the characters of the principal agents in this transaction, will reveal, how far their hostility to the measure may, or may not, have been influenced by the same considerations of partial or personal interest, which dictated the local opposition displayed against it in various particular parts of Ireland. The great mass of the people was either favourable, or certainly not hostile, to the union. The Protestants were divided on the ques-tion; the Catholics, where they did not sup-port it, were absolutely neuter; but, the thinking and disinterested part of the community, of whatever sect or persuasion, were its most, zealous advocates. A century of political squabbles, and disgusting contests for the loaves and fishes, had sufficient-proved of the constitution of Corsica, or ly proved the inefficiency of the existing order of things, to any purposes of enlarged policy or national tranquilisation. Whilst the Irish legislators had liberty and the glorious revolution constantly in their mouths, they cherished oppression and persecution in their hearts. They kept four-fifths of the nation in a state of civil bondage, and called that freedom; they maintained with a high hand the insulting ascendancy of the remaining fifth of the population, and called that the constitution, In their jargon, the nation was free, because the faction was not enslaved, as if it was possible for a popular constitution to exist, where the people was excluded from all the benefits of it. Looking, therefore, to the materials, of which the Irish parliament was composed, looking to the manner, in which that body was usually chosen and constituted; looking, too, to the inevitable and no remote consequences to Ireland, and to the Empire, of a perseverance in the narrow and illiberal policy, with which that country had been so long and so fatally misgoverned, every impartial and considerate man of the nation hailed the measure of union, as the dawn of a new and auspicious period in the annals of his coun-tility against this country, should be admit try. The support, however, which that measure received, was not gratuitous or groundless. If the prospect held out to Ireland, had not greatly varied from the gloomy features presented in the sad retrospect of its sufferings, there could not have been found an Irishman, whe would be a party to

passed the act, 31 Geo. 3. chap. 31 for the settlement of the Canadas. By the constitution of Corsica, which, I believe, was fully confirmed by his Majesty, though not sanc tioned by Parliament, the Catholics of that island were granted privileges, not enjoyed by any British subject, and even a religious establishment was arranged for them, in concert with the Pope. The act of settlement of the Canadas, which is an act of the legislature, establishes the Catholic religion in those provinces, by authorising the Catholic clergy to receive tythes from their Catholic parishioners, and allows the council and legislature of these colonies to be composed indifferently of Catholics and Protestants. Two French wars have occurred, since the transfer, by treaty, of Canada to Great Britain; and yet it is notorious, that no symptom of disaffection to the British government has ever appeared amongst its inhabitants, either before or since the act of settlement. It would be difficult then to point out any good reason, why Catholics, who had been, prima facie, less trust worthy, as having imbibed necessarily, under their former government, French feelings of hos-

ted to the enjoyment of political rights, which are to be denied to native Catholics, whose every feeling is truly British, and whose only security it is to identify with British interests and connection. But, if the reason of the thing be not easily discoverable, the principle of faith, upon which this

distinction has, been attempted to be justified, is still more unintelligible. One can not easily conceive a scruple of conscience, that could apply to one, without being equally applicable to both cases. It would appear to common sense, common honesty, or vulgar notions of obligation; impossible for any casuistry to establish any difference between the two cases, that would not be favourable to the claims of the Catholics of the United Kingdom. But, I shall not pursue this topic further now. What I have stated will be sufficient to expose the folly and absurdity of the ground, on which these claims are said to be resisted. The question does not, at present, need to be much pressed. Growing dangers will open men's eyes to its importance. The rational part of the British public, and the whole of the Irish public (for 1 make no account of their mad bigots) are converts already to the doctrine, no less liberal than just, of equal burthens-equal laws equal rights. The time is not very distant, when these claims must be granted. By must, I do not mean external force, but moral obligation. Political necessity will impose the obligation, and motives of prudence will discharge it. The suitor may in the first instance meet with a repulse; but, if the dame, after some dalliance should still continue to hold out, she runs the hazard of seeing her inamorato engrossed by a rival. Mr. Grattan says that there is a French party in Ireland. I do not believe it; but, I am sure, not, that there is a discontented party in Ireland, but that Ireland is discontented. If Great Britain turn a deaf ear to the just 'complaints of that nation, she may create, what I am convinced does not now exist there, a French party. I must confess, however, that I do not think the final emancipation of the Catholics of such importance, either to the interests or tranquillity of Ireland, as it is to the security and welfare of 'the empire. The grant of political rights, which are, and would be, unavailing, with respect to the great bulk of the population of that country, could not render them insensible to the pressure of the heaviest prac'tical burthens, to which the mass of any nation has ever yet been subjected. But the throwing open the different departments of the state to the talents and ambition of so numerous a class of subjects, as the Roman Catholics, would have the most immediate and decisive beneficial effect upon the public service. In the army and navy this would be particularly felt, for the sons of the nobi lity and gentry of that persuasion, who would immediately take advantage of the opening, would draw after them such a multitude of

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persons into both services, as would in all probability carry the effective strength of each to the full amount of their respective establishments. But, as a tranquillising mea. sure for Ireland, the emancipation of the Catholics would prove very ineffectual. To the multitude, that is rather an object of allowable pride, than of any real utility. A few of the higher classes might indeed have an opportunity of taking advantage of it, to get into situations of political consideration, from which they are at present excluded. When I consider how little is demanded, or can be acquired, by the emancipation, I find it difficult to account for the impediments, that obstruct its progress, on any other score, than that of dire infatuation. No shadow of suspicion was ever entertained against the higher classes of the Catholics, and yet it is to them that indulgence is to be dealt out with a sparing hand. Every right, that the lower classes of Protestant subjects enjoy, is equally participated by the Catholic of the same rank, without any inconvenience or evil whatever. In the higher classes, independent of the general attachment, that must be felt to a common and equally profecting gövernment, education, habit, and the possession of property afford ample security for the constitutional use of any political right or privilege, which may be granted to them. The whole question refers to them exclasively, at least, as to any immediate effect of its adoption. For, as to the great majority of the Catholics, they are not solicitous for the removal of disabilities, which do not atfect themselves, except so far, as artful and designing agitators may persuade them, that the removal of these disabilities is connected with the redress of their grievances. To tranquillise Ireland, therefore, the only effectual course is, to inquire fully into the causes of the discontents, that exist in that country, and to endeavour to remove them, as far as legislative remedies can be applied for that purpose. Those, who know Ireland best, must be sensible, that, though parliamentary interference may do much, there will remain many sources of grievance, which cannot be come at by any legislative enactments. The erils, which weigh down that unfortunate country, have not their foundation altogether in any defect of law, or abuse of power, or limitation of rights, or exclusive privileges; but they are compounded of all these, exaggerated-aggravated-exasperated by base passions, rancorous prejudices, and factious feelings, which, like so many excrescences, fasten upon the fair stock of society, and intercept the nourishment, that should be allowed freely to circulate, and

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