prises. These resources ought not to be undervalued, nor counted for nothing. France will submit to a temporary situation, which can only change with time, and with new exertions; but her enemy shall not deprive her of the main basis of her prosperity, her internal communication, her relations with the continent, where she no longer sees any but friends or allies; her soil will not be less fertile, her industry will not maintain itself the less, though deprived of some materials which it is not impossible to replace.--To this last proposition I am rather anxious, gentlemen, to direct your attention.

You

have advice to give, and examples to hold out to commerce. You must already foresee the effect of the privation of certain materials, more especially for cotton, and of ingredients for dying of cotton, of which a quantity has been stored up in France: that which we shall derive from the Levant, and that which, at a more distant period, we shall reap from our indigenous culture, not unsuccessfully essayed, will suffice to support, in a great measure, our manufactures; but in the expectation that some of them may experience privations, we must have recourse, as far as possible, to hemp and flax, in order to provide occupation for those manufacturers who would no longer be employed with articles of cotton. It were desirable that we should circumscribe our consumption within the products of the materials the growth of our soil, and restrain the unhappy effects of habits and taste contracted for manufactures, that would render us dependent upon foreign countries.--The materials for dying may become scarce-but many of them may be replaced by the productions of our soil.. We will dispense with the rest by a slight sacrifice of some colours, which may please from their apparent greater beauty, without adding any thing to the intrinsic goodness of the article. Besides, no small reliance is to be placed on the genius of our manufacturers: it will triumph over those difficulties.-The channels, which in spite of these usurpations, will remain open to importation, may not suffice for the consumption of sugar and coffee; these objects of secondary utility may become scarce; but the great mass of the nation will not suffer from this temporary privation: habits of indulgence too widely indulged will be counteracted and restrained by the rise in the price.——And besides, is it to be supposed

that the Great Nation will allow itself to be

intimidated by the privation of some futile enjoyments? Her armies lave endured, without a murmur, the most, pinching wants that great example will not have

been held out in vain; and when we have in view to reconquer the independence of the seas; when we have in view to rescue and redeem commerce from the ruinous acts of piracy that are juridically exercised against it; when we have in view the vindication of the national honour, and the breaking down of those furcæ caudina which England is attempting to erect upon our coasts, the French people will support with the dignity and the courage that belong to their great character, the momentary sacrifices that are imposed upon their taste, their habits, and their industry. The commerce of Europe will soon, no doubt, be rescued from oppres sion. The interest of nations; the honour of sovereigns; the magnanimous resolutions of the most powerful of the allies of France; the power and wish of the hero who rules over us; the justice of a cause to which Heaven will grant its protection; every motive concurs to decide the contest; nor can its issue remain uncertain. Accept, gentlemen, the assurance of my sincere esteem.CRETET.

PORTUGAL. Additional Proclamation of the Prince Regent, previous to his embarka tion, dated 26 Nov., 1807.

The governors whom I was pleased to nominate by my royal decree of this present date, to govern these kingdoms during my absence, will have the usual oaths administered to them by the cardinal patriarch, and will attend with all solicitude, vigilance, and activity, in the administration of justice, distributing the same impartially, and maintaining a rigorous observance of the laws of this kingdom. They will preserve to the natives all the privileges which had been granted to them by me and my royal prede cessors. The plurality of votes will decide on the reports the respective tribunals may lay before them, regulating themselves according to the laws and customs of the kingdom. They will direct literary professions, offices of criminal and civil judicature and revenue, according to the forms heretofore practised by me. They will protect the persons and properties of my loyal subjects, selecting for military occupations those who may be deemed worthy thereof.-They will endeavour to preserve to their utmost the tranquillity of this kingdom, to provide for the troops of the Emperor of the French and King of Italy good quarters, and to supply them with every thing they may require, during their stay in this kingdom, averting all and every insult that may be perpetrated, and punishing with rigour any that may cur; maintaining always the good harmony

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which ought to be displayed to the armies. of pations with whom we find ourselves united on the continent.-Should it by any occurrence, happen, that any of the said governors are absent, a plurality of votes will elect a successor. I trust to your honour and virtue, that my people will not suffer inconveniences during my absence; and should it be God's will that I should return shortly to my kingdoms, that I may meet every one contented and satisfied, reigning among them that good order and tranquillity which should exist among subjects who have endered themselves so worthy of my paternal care. Palace of our Lady of Ajuda, on the 26th of Nov., 1307.- (Signed)— THE PRINCE.

The following are the principal members of the royal family of Portugal, who have embarked for the Brazils:-Maria Francisca Elizabeth, Queen of Portugal and Algarva, born December 17, 1734, married her uncle, Don Pedro III. King of Portugal, who died 25th May, 1806.-Juan Maria Joseph Lewis, Infant of Portugal, Prince Regent, born the 13th of May, 1767, and married June 9, 1785.-Charlotta Joachima, Infanta of Spain, and Princess of Brazil.-Maria Ann Francisca Josephina, sister of the Queen, born October 7, 1735.-Maria Francisca Benedictina, sister of the Queen, born July 24, 1755; married Joseph Francis Xavier, Prince of Brazil, who died the 10th September, 1788.

The following are the children of the Prince Regent :-Don Antonio, Prince of Beira, born August 12, 1798-Michael, &c. born October 26, 1802-Maria Theresa, born April 29, 1793.-Isabella Maria Francisca, born May 19, 1797-Maria Francisca, born April 22, 1800.-Isabella Maria, born July 4, 1901.

DENMARK.Answer of the Prince Royal to the Traders who wished to correspond with England. Dated 27th Nov., 1807, as Copenhagen.

I must acquaint the trade, that it is impossible to modify the orders contained in the publications of the gth and 14th September-The King, in confining himself to the sequestration of enemy's property, has done all that was in his power to assist those of his subjects whose fortunes might fall into the hands of the English-He has even exceeded what so perfidious an enemy merits-Besides, nothing ought to chill the ardour of a noble vengeance: and the merchants may at once, by arming privateers, recover their capital, and avenge the country and the king-With respect to the re

establishment of a correspondence, that measure is incompatible with the orders given to break off all communication between England and the continent-We ought to reject such an idea in a country like Denmark, where laws are passed not for mere pleasantry, and to be broken. The king is not ignorant that measures demanded by the general welfare often injure the personal interests of some of his subjects; but the testimony of his conscience consoles him, having preserved as long as possible to his people the benefits of peace, and having altered his conduct only at the period when the most revolting aggression provoked the most vigorous resistance against a perfidious enemy.

AMERICAN STATES.-Non-importation Ac', passed 18th April, 1806.-Together with a Supplementary Act, passed about 10th

Dec. 1807.

Be it enacted by the senate and house of representatives of the United States of America, in congress assembled, that from and after the 15. of Nov. next it shall not be lawful to import into the United States, or the territories thereof, from any port or place situated in Great Britain or Ireland, or in any of the colonies or dependencies of G. Britain, any goods, wares, or merchandize, of the following descriptions, that is to say :-All articles of which leather is the material of chief value.-All articles of which silk is the material of chief value.All articles of which hemp or flax is the material of chief value.-All articles of which tin or brass is the material of chief value, tin in sheets excepted.-Woollen cloths whose invoice prices shall exceed 5s. sterling per square yard.-Window glass, and all other manufactures of glass.-Silver and plated wares.-Paper of every description.-Nails and pikes.-Hats.--Clothing ready made.- Millinery of all kinds; and pictures and prints.-Nor shall it be lawful to import into the United States, or the territories thereof, from any foreign port or place whatever, any of the above-mentioned, goods, wares, or merchandize, being the growth, produce, or manufacture of G. Britain or Ireland, or any of the colonies, or dependancies of Great Britain: provided, however, that no articles which shall within 15 months after the passing of this act be imported from any place beyond the Cape of Good Hope, on board any vessel cleared out before the passing of this act from any port within the United States or the territories thereof, for the said Cape of Good Hope, or any place

beyond the same, shall be subject to the prohibition aforesaid.-Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, that whenever any article or articles, the importation of which is prohibited by this act, shall after the said 15th of Nov. next, be imported into the United States or the territories thereof, contrary to the true intent and meaning of this act, or shall, after the said 15th of Nov. next, be put on board any ship or vessel, boat, raft, or carriage, with intention of importing the same into the United States, or the territories thereof, all such articles, as well as all other articles on board the same ship or vessel, boat, craft, or carriage, belonging to the owner of such prohibited articles, shall be forfeited, and the owner thereof shall moreover forfeit and pay treble the value of such articles.-Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, that if any article or articles, the importation of which is prohibited by this act, shall, after the said 15th of Nov. next, be put on board any ship or vessel, boat, craft or carriage, with intention to import the same into the United States, or the territories thereof, contrary to the true intent and meaning of this act, and with the knowledge of the owner or master of such ship or vessel, boat, raft, or carriage, shall be forfeited, and the owner or master thereof shall moreover each forfeit and pay treble the value of such articles. -Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, that if any article or articles the importation of which is prohibited by this act and which shall nevertheless be on board any ship or vessel, boat, raft, or carriage, ariving after the said 15th of Nov. next, in the United States, or the territories thereof, shall be omitted in the manifest, report, or entry of the master or the person having the charge or command of such ship or vessel, boat, raft, or carriage, or shall be omitted in the entry of the goods owned by the owner or consigned to the consignee of such articles, or shall be imported or landed, or attempted to be imported or landed, without a permit, the same penal ties, fines, and forfeitures shall be incurred and may be recovered, as in the case of similar omission or omissions, landing importations or attempting to land or import, in relation to articles liable to duties on their importation into the United States.-Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, that every collector, naval officer, surveyor, or other officer of the customs, shall have the like power and authority to seize goods, wares, and merchandize imported contrary to the intent

and meaning of this act, to keep the same in custody until it shall have been ascertained whether the same have been forfeited or not, and to enter any ship or vessel, dwellinghouse, store, building, or other place, for the purpose of searching for and seizing any such goods, wares, or merchandize, which he or they now have by law in relation to goods, wares, and merchandize subject to duty; and if any person or persons shall conceal or buy any goods, wares, and merchandize, knowing them to be liable to seizure by this act, such person or persons shall on conviction thereof, forfeit and pay a sum double the amount of value of the goods, wares and merchandize so concealed or purchased.-Sec. 6. And be it further enacted, that the following addition shall be inserted to the oath or affirmation taken by the masters or persons having the charge or command of any ship or vessel arriving at any port of the United States, or the territories thereof, after the said 15th of Nov. next, viz. "I further swear (or affirm) that there is not to the best of my know. ledge or belief, on board [insert the denomination and name of the vessel] any goods, wares, and merchandize, the importation of which into the United States, or the territo ries thereof, is prohibited by law: And I do further swear (or affirm) that if I shall hereafter discover or know of any such goods, wares, and merchandize on board the said vessel, or which hall have been im ported in the same, i will immediately and without delay make due report thereof to the collector of the port of this district."-Sec. 7. And be it further enacted, that the following addition be inserted after the said 15th of Nov. next, to the oath or affirmation taken by importers, consignees or agents at the time of entering goods imported into the United States or the territories thereof, viz. "I also swear (or affirm) that there are not, to the best of my knowledge and belief, amongst the said goods, wares, and merchandize, imported or consigned as aforesaid any goods, wares, or merchan dize, the importation of which into the United States, or the territories thereof, is prohibited by law And I do further swear (or affirm) that if I shall hereafter discover any such goods, wares or merchandize among the said goods, wares and me chandize, I will immediately and without delay report the same of this district."

:

to the collector (To be continued.)

[PRICE 10D.

161]

SUMMARY OF POLITICS. PARLIAMENTARY PROCEEDINGS. -I. King's Speech. II. Ireland. III. Places in Reversion.- -Before we proceed to the giving of any account of what has passed in the parliament, it seems necessary to say a few words relative to the state of the two factions, who are engaged in a continual war against each other, the chief object of which war being the possession of the places in the gift of the crown, and of the great emolu ments, arising from that possession.- -During the recess, the father of Lord Howick having died, that lord became a peer, and, of course, could no longer remain in the House of Commons, where, after the death of Mr. Fox, he had been, what is called the "leader of the opposition." Another "leader" was, therefore, to be selected, as some thought; but, it would seem, that the post, like that of Earl Marshall of the Kingdom, is now become hereditary; for, as it were of course, Mr. Ponsonby (a name little familiar to our ears), who is a brother-inlaw of Lord Howick, his lordship having no nearer relation in parliament, takes upon him, as the newspapers tell us, to perform the functions, lately performed by his noble relation. It is he who now asks questions of his Majesty's ministers;" it is he who is now called the honourable gentleman opposite;" it is he who now nods yes, or shakes no, while the ministers are speaking; it is he, under whom arrange themselves, giving their votes as he gives his, numbers of men, whom, for reasons too evident to mention, I will not attempt to describe.This change of leader is not, however, any disadvantage to the out-faction. It would, indeed, have been hard if they had experienced disadvantage from any change, considering who was their leader before. But, somehow or other, there does appear to be a sort of shame attached to this transfer from the

Tate leader to the present one. There are some of those good pliant souls, commonly called country gentlemen, who shrug up their shoulders at it. In fact, some, to my certain knowledge, do really doubt, whether

[162 subjection to George Rose be not just as reasonable and as honourable as subjection to Mr. Ponsonby; and, as to the people, they are no longer to be persuaded, that they have any, even the smallest interest in such matters. They care not, which faction is out: they have seen both in, and, as to places and pensions, they have seen no difference in their conduct. The outs may, therefore, bawl to the people to come and take part with them; but, no aid will they ever receive from that quarter. Our answer to them always will be; it was you who made war for Hanover; it was you who told us that Hanover ought to be as dear to us as Hampshire; it was you, who, in your first act, enabled lord Grenville to hold two offices, incompatible with each other; it was you who made the Lord Chief Justice a member of the cabinet; it was you who brought in a bill to augment the number of Hanoverian troops in this kingdom; it was you who proposed to subject our private cellars and brewhouses to the survey of excisemen; it was you, who, after ten year's. execration of the principle of the income tax, came, and, at a single stroke, almost doubled its amount, while, however, you took care wholly to exempt from the operation of that tax, the property which, under whatever name, the king might have in the funds: yes, it was you, who, more than any other set of politicians, owed your elevation to the good opinion of the people, and who, the moment you were safely seated in power, set that opinion at nought, and seemed to glory in proving, that you had always intended to dupe the people, and that, in point of insincerity, you scorned to yield to any set of courtiers that ever existed.- -The out faction had, during the recess, gained nothing at all in any way, but they had lost by events, giving rise to questions, upon which they would naturally be divided. The in faction had gained in the same proportion; and, it was expected by every body, that there would be many deserters from the former; an expectation, which, in a few days, we shall see verified. The deb· upon

F

the King's speech was, as far as appears from the report of it, in the newspapers, as dull an one as was ever heard. There was not a single argument made use of, which had not before; been, over and over again, made use of in the newspapers; and, it is a little hard upon us to be obliged to purchase now, in the form of parliamentary speeches, what we have before purchased, in the form of editorial paragraphs. There has been no effect whatever produced upon, the public roind by this debate. Men think now, just as they thought before. The question, with respect to Copenhagen, does not turn at all upon the nature of any papers that can be produced. This is the shape in which it presents itself: Napoleon had conquered the continent of Europe, and, after the peace of Tilsit, was it credible, that the fleet and arsenals of Denmark would not have been made use of for the purpose of injuring England? "What will Napoleon do next," was the question which men put to one another. The answer was : Why, he will bring out the "Russian and Danish fleets against us, to be "sure." Was not this the universal opinion? As far as my observation went it was. I believe it was the opinion of the whole nation; and, if it was so, how were the ministers to act otherwise than in the manner in which they did act, they entertaining this opinion, in common with others? I, therefore, want no papers; I want no information; the exposure of no secret intelligence; and the ministers have greatly weakened their cause by making their justifica tion rest, even in the smallest degree, upon any thing other than the notoriety of the circumstances, under which they acted.My lord Grenville is said to have dwelt much upon the necessity of showing the world, that parliament is not actuated by the vulgar design of "fighting Buonaparté with "his own weapons ;", that is, of giving up the unequal conflict, says he, "of justice

against injustice, and betaking ourselves to injustice as well as he." But, this is not fairly stated. We are not proposing to betake ourselves to " injustice;" for, when our enemy has set all that has been called law at defiance; when, from whatever cause proceeding, the neutral nations have been compelled to act in such a manner as to fayour his cause as effectually as if engaged in open war upon his side, it is not injustice in us to do all that lies in our power to prevent them from continuing so to act. If a gang of ruffians, having a design to rob your house and pur ifs, enter first into your stable

the way and to assist in the enterprize, you, in defence of your property and life, are fully justified in killing your grooms, though you may possess the certain knowledge, that they act under the influence of fear. Yes," say the out faction," but, we did not, in this case, stop until the Danes began to act." No: nor did we kill the Danes, in the first instance. We saw, that they would be compelled to act against us; we saw that they had not the power to resist the united commands of Russia and France, or rather, the commands of France conveyed through Russia, and, under those circumstances, we demanded a security, that those commands should not operate to our injury. We meditated no harm to Denmark. We proposed to do it no harm. We only wanted to be quite secure against the great harm that it might do us; and, when people talk about the infamy of submitting to this demand of security, made by us, they seem to think, that there would have been no infamy at all in submitting to the commands of France and of Russia. It is very well to talk about "independent nations," and the

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perfect equality" that exists between them, thereon grounding the question, "how should we have relished a proposi "tion, such as that which was made by us to Denmark?" But, does not the history of the world prove, that this sort of equality has no existence, except in the imagination? That little nations must be made instruments in the hands of great nations; and that, du ring the concussions of extended warfare, it is impossible for them to be independent? The well-known weakness of Denmark would have been an apology for her yielding to our proposition; but, there is nothing that the mind of man could invent, that would be an apology for our yielding to a similar proposition, made by any power. is no disgrace for a boy of ten years of age to give up, without resistance, to a man of thirty; but, there may be great disgrace in the man of thirty giving up, without resist auce, to any man whatever. Taking, there fore, all the circumstances into view, I cannot help thinking, that the Prince Royal of Denmark was actuated, in his rejection of our propositions, by motives very indeed from those, which the enemies of the expedition have attributed to him; and that, in fact, all his invectives against us are to be ascribed to a desire of ingratiating himself with the Emperor Napoleon. He did not, probably, see with satisfaction the time approaching, when he should be compelled to aid in the destruction of England; but, it is not less probable, that he might choose to

different