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on the intrinsic value of their own paradoxes, it was not until very lately that they condescended to solicit the friendly aid of the plodding politician. But at length, with the assistance of a chosen disciple, they have really and in good faith resolved upon the quixotic experiment of renovating the human nature, of transforming the world.One of a less sanguine temperament might suggest the expediency, not to say the propriety of these devotees of metaphysics taking an accurate, and as far as is practicable, an extensive survey of the conquests which they have already made. Perhaps, with Comparatively few exceptions, it would be found, that by how much their opinions have been embraced, more especially by the lower orders of society, by so much has the love of regularity, of sobriety, and of justice diminished among them. I am aware, that the majority even of thinking people, are in the habit of reverting to what is called the dark ages to that period, when, if prophane history may be credited, enthusiasm and superstition, in a manner, revelled with human ignorance-to that period, when the spiritual concerns of kingdoms, were consigned to the care of an old man at Rome to that period, when a diocesan bishop, or even a common priest was qualified to search the inmost recesses of the human heart-we are in the habit, I say, of looking back to that period with a mixture of horror and contempt.-Yet, is it any thing more than reasonable to enquire, whether since we have thrown off the yoke which our fore-fathers placed upon our necks, we have made any great improvement in a moral point of view.-Do we still retain the same simplicity of character, the same love of our country, the same chivalrous and undaunted spirit, and in short, the same regard to public and private worth? Are we in possession of an equal portion of happiness now, as when we were devoutly adoring an absolute monarch, whose will was law, and doing homage to spiritual guides, who kept the keys of our consciences, by circumventing every avenue to our understandings? Who can answer either of these questions in the affirmative? And if no one can, how romantic must it be to think of essentially ameliorating the condition of the poor, merely by informing their minds. An appeal more ostentatious than wise, has been made to Scotland, in behalf of the beneficial effects of education, to the lower orders of society. Surely it could be made by those only, who were but very partially acquainted indeed, with the manners, the customs, or the prejudices of the

inhabitants of that favoured country. That their sobriety, their hardihood, and unwea ried attention to business, is not derived from books, nor to be traced to any system whatever of mental improvement, is a fact which might be very easily proved. For some years past, their manners have been confessedly on the decline, nor is it difficult to discover the cause of their degeneracy. At the period of the French revolution, when he rage for freedom became fashionable, and when the Reform societies, those detestable associations, were in the zenith of their glory, the fatal infection was com municated to the Scottish peasantry, and it is greatly to be feared, that the venerable remains of their ancient character were then irrecoverably lost.-From being the most happy people in the world, they suddenly became peevish and discontented. Poor mechanics, who could scarcely earn a paltry subsistence for their families, busied themselves in fruitless investigations respecting the origin of government. And, those whom one would not once have dreamt of employing, to adjust a common difference between two friends, conceived themselves destined to give laws to nations, and to pronounce with emphatical decision, on the natural, the inalienable rights of man.Mighty truly were the atchievements accomplished by means of philosophical in formation, and rational discussion !!—It appeared, as if every spark of patriotism, and of loyalty, which had so often warmed the breasts of the sons of Caledonia, had then been extinguished for ever. could no longer brook the idea, of confining their peculiar affection within the narrow boundaries, by which nature had wisely chosen to separate one portion of the human race from another. No; their enlarged minds felt greatly indignant at a thought so mean. While, however, they were sacri ficing largely at the shrine of equality, the ties of kindred were forgotten, as well as the sacred laws of rectitude and of honour. Light be the turf upon the breast of that immortal statesman, who boldly stept for ward, and dispelling the awful delusion, rescued his country from impending destruction:-Happily, the poison of revolutionary and democratical principles, wide as was its range, and fatal as were its effects, did not reach many country parishes, owing partly, though not entirely, to their insular situation, and among these alone shall we find the genuine Scottish character.-Among these, some happy families will yet be found, who, untainted by the general pollution, regulate their conduct by that most

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unpopular of all principles, namely, that they have nothing earthly to do with the laws, but to obey them. On this account, perhaps, more than on any other, they have arrived at the summit of human felicity. In spite of placemen and pensioners, as well as the whole host of muckeaters at Lloyd's, they are, through unwearied assiduity, prospering in their several callings. But in large towns, the case is materially different. In these, the effects of popular education are sensibly felt. What is the fruit of their reading? Were I to answer, penury, uneasiness, perplexity and sorrow, I do not know that I should be much wide of the truth.-The inhabitants are fonder of copying the vices, than of imitating the virtues of their more southern neighbours. crowded cities passion rules and rages. The understandings of the people may be irradiated; but their hearts are awfully depraved. And, while they are eternally ringing in our ears the magical aphorism, magna est veritas, et prævalebit, or that other still more pernicious maxim, truth must be fa- | vourable to virtue, they are exemplifying those tempers and dispositions, which human nature ought not to possess. May heaven guard my country against the impious designs of those dauntless speculators, who wish to deprive them of every remaining portion of their happiness.-Ignorance may be denominated the parent of the welfare of individuals and communities. The term, however, is very equivocal, and is often grossly mis-applied. To be ignorant of what is commonly dignified with the name of wisdom, would, in a vast variety of instances, be no common acquisition. Were we total strangers to the feverish sensibility of Rousseau, and the daring impiety of Voltaire, the present discontents would speedily subside. Murmurings and complainings would be heard no more for ever. The age of popular clamour, of oligarchi cal despotism, would be succeeded by that of chivalry and of manly sentiment. But it is almost hopeless, perhaps completely visionary, to expect so total a revolution in human opinions, at least in our day.-Democratical principles have now been of so long standing in this country, that they have, so to express myself, become consolidated into our general habits, and habit is assuredly the greatest tyrant that ever plagued any people. Still, however, it were unmanly to despair-rather against hope, let us believe in hope. Happy, happy, says the Moniteur, will it be for England, when she once more becomes a monarchy.-It is pretended by the partizans of Mr. Whit

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bread's scheme, that the chief, if indeed not the only object they have in view, in in-stracting the people, is to enable them to read the sacred scriptures. Really, there is something truly laughable in the idea of such men as Godwin for instance, wishing the people to pursue a course of reading of this description, Against such contemptible hypocrisy, it were in vain to argue. But permit me to ask Mr. Whitbread, (and I know he is incapable of professing what he does not believe) whether he thinks serious ly, that the people would read nothing else than the bible. Are they in no danger of having their religious principles undermined by Infidels, or perverted by a certain description of dissenters? And is it a matter of any moment, whether they prefer the sophisms of a Voltaire, to those of a Priest ly?-Wili not the moral effects be precisely the same in either case? The votaries of Atheism, and the followers of Socines, though they do not go by the same name, naturally enough rally round the same standard.-They both cry hideously for the dif fusion of knowledge, and by that term they invariably mean, the mere glimmerings of unassisted reason. From the propagation of their blasphemous dogmas, persons of real learning and taste have little to feare It requires no uncommon sagacity to per ceive, that what they call profound reason** ing, is nothing more than mere subtilty at tenuated into inanity.-Yet it is very unfor➡ tunate, that the ignorant, and those who can just barely read, are ever ready to rew ceive the maxims of a perverted understanding, of a sickly imagination. Persons who can just read the sacred writings, but who are wholly incapable of forming a proper judgment upon their important contents, are those among whom the shafts of scepticism fly thickest, and make the greatest ravages. From this numerous class, who constitute the majority in all civilized countries, every thing is to be expected, or every thing must be dreaded.-To encrease their happiness by adding to their enjoyments, and diminishing the quantity of their labour, cannot fail of being the wish of every benevas lent mind. But how is this to be done? Not surely by instructing them how to spend their leisure hours in laborions idle ness. Not by making them distelish as tasteless and insipid, the manly pleasures of the field, and substituting in their room, those kind of books, which will have a tendency to enervate their minds, to foster luxury and effeminacy-But say the popular education philosophers, by teaching these people to read, we cffectually aggravate

that species of reading is preferred, which acts at once as a stimulus to the understanding, and a narcotic to the heart. These then are some of the blessed effects of po

Whitbread, whether if the peasantry of England had not been able to read, the consequences resulting from such publica tions as The Age of Reason, or The Rights of Man, would have been half so tragical, as it is to be feared they have: He knows full well they would not. That class who are particularly liable to have their judgments perverted by false reasoning, is physically incapacitated from viewing a subject in all its various bearings. In truth it is not their province. True they have a natu-ral desire to add to the stock of their ideas; but it is their good fortune to remain ignorant, when knowledge is so dearly purchas ed.-Happy ignorance! the child of innocence! Who does not at once perceive the. truth of that beautiful apostrophe of the bard of Mantua,

their happiness; for we know that intellectual pleasures, are not only much more intense, but likewise more permanent, than those which belong to us as animals.--This hypothesis, on which so huge a superstruc-pular education. I would solemnly ask Mr. ture is to be reared, is perfectly gratuitous. It has indeed ever appeared to me to be palpably absurd. A few wild visionaries might be found, who would impudently assert, that they have derived more real satisfaction from the poems of Virgil, or from the musical tones of Catalani, than from the best sirloin of beef in Smithfield market. But is it so with mankind' in general ?- No: it can then only be the case, when the animal functions are impaired by intemperance, by idleness or profligacy, and when the various objects of sense have been enjoyed to satiety. A good dinner is so great a blessing, that he who does not sincerely prize. it, ought in justice to be deprived of it. Probably an Italian songstress, or some other strumpet who displays her limbs, the working of her thighs, and the intonations of her voice, before a concourse of spectators, might preach up the intensity of mental pleasures it is her trade; but what person of sense would hesitate a moment to call her a dissembling vagrant. She lives upon the hard earnings of the labouring poor-is supported in splendour, by their cries and by their blood. Her very existence depends upon the encouragement of the popular education system. Its overthrow and her irrecoverable ruin, are events, which, how distant soever they may be, must ultimately go together. Apart, however, from considerations of this kind, may we not inquire whether it is really true, that by teaching people to read, we encrease their happiness.

O fortunatos nimium, sua si bona norint
Agricolas !

It were imprudent in me, however, to ex-
ercise the patience of your readers any lon-
ger, and the rather as it may be pretty near-
ly exhausted. I shall, therefore, conclude
with a single remark. Although to be
pointed at as the patron of ignorance, might
be irksome to one's feelings, yet as I am
only reiterating, through the medium of a
most useful work, the sentiments of some
of the most accurate reasoners both in mo-
rals and politics, I shall willingly put up
with any appellation, which does not ex
clude me from their fraternity.—With '
high respect, I remain, Sir, your constant
reader,

11th Dec. 1807.

J. MAC

D.

1

OFFICIAL PAPERS. RUSSIA-King of England's Declaration, in Answer to that of the Emperor of Russia. Dated at Westminster, Dec. 18, 1807.

I am much mistaken indeed if the reverse is not the fact. Look at our manufactories, at those of Manchester and Birmingham for instance, and you will find that the miserable wretches who occupy them, generally speaking, can just barely read.--Are their leisure moments devoted to the sacred page? Alas! they are open contemners of that stupendous light, which has often gilded The Declaration issued at St. Petersthe blackness of human misery, which has burgh, by his Maj. the Emperor of all the been proved to be the balm and the cordial Russias, has excited in his Maj.'s mind the of the present life, as well as a sovercign strongest sensations of astonishment and reantidote against the fear of death. Do gret. His Maj. was not unaware of the they read only useless publications? Were nature of those secret engagements which ' they satisfied with these, to reform them had been imposed upon Russia in the conwould not be, as it now confessedly is, a ferences of Tilsit. But his Maj. had enter. forlorn hope.--But the fact is, their readtained the hope, that a review of the trans ing is chiefly confined to those puny pamph-actions of that unfortunate negociation, and lets, which are calculated to give poignancy to the violence of their unruly passions.If at any time they ascend higher than these,

a just estimate of its effects upon the glory of the Russian name, and upon the in terests of the Russian Empire, would have

induced his Imperial Majesty to extricate himself from the embarrassment of those new counsels and connections which he had adopted in a moment of despondency and alarm, and to return to a policy more congenial to the principles which he has so invariably professed, and more conducive to the honour of his crown, and to the prosperity of his dominions.-This hope has dictated to his Maj. the utmost forbearance and moderation in all his diplomatic intercourse with the Court of St. Petersburgh, since the peace of Tilsit.-His Maj. had much cause for suspicion, and just ground of complaint. But he abstained from the language of reproach. His Maj. deemed it necessary to require specific explanation with respect to those arrangements with France, the concealment of which from his Maj. could not but confirm the impression already received of their character and tendency. But his Maj, nevertheless, directed the demand of that explanation to be made, not only without asperity or the indication of any hostile disposition, but with that considerate regard to the feelings and situation of the Emperor of Russia, which resulted from the recollection of former friendship, and from confidence interrupted, but not destroyed. The Declaration of the Emperor of Russia proves that the object of his Maj.'s forbearance and moderation has not been attained. It proves, unhappily, that the influence of that power, which is equally and essentially the enemy both of G. Britain and of Russia, has acquired a decided ascendancy in the Counsels of the Cabinet of St. Petersburgh; and has been able to excite a causeless enmity between two nations, whose long established connection, and whose mutual interests prescribed the most intimate union and co-operation.-His Maj. deeply laments the extension of the calamities of war. But called upon as he is, to defend himself against an act of unprovoked hostility, His Maj. is anxious to refute in the face of the world the pretexts by which that act is attempted to be justified.-The Declaration asserts that his Maj. the Emperor of Russia has twice taken up arms in a cause in which the interest of G. Britain was more direct than his own: and founds upon this assertion the charge against G. Britain of having neglected to second and support the military operations of Russia.-His Maj. willingly does justice to the motives which originally engaged Russia in the great struggle against France. His Maj. avows with equal readiness the interest which G. Britain has uniformly taken in the fates and fortunes of the powers of the Continent,

But it

would surely be difficult to prove that G. Britain, who was herself in a state of hostility with Prussia, when the war broke out between Prussia and France, had an interest and a duty more direct in espousing the Prussian quarrel than the Emperor of Russia, the ally of his Prussian Maj., the protector of the North of Europe, and the Guarantee of the Germanic Constitution-It is not in a public Declaration that his Maj. can discuss the policy of having at any particular period of the war effected, or omitted to effect, disembarkations of troops on the coasts of Naples. But the instance of the war with the Porte is still more singularly chosen to illustrate the charge against G. Britain of indifference to the interests. of her ally: a war undertaken by G. Britain at the instigation of Russia, and solely for the purpose of maintaining Russian interests against the influence of France. If, however, the peace of Tilsit is indeed to be considered as the consequence and the punishment of the imputed inactivity of G. Britain, his Maj. cannot but regret that the Emperor of Russia should have resorted to so precipitate and fatal a measure at the moment when he had received distinct assurances that his Maj. was making the most strenuous exertions to fulfil the wishes and expectations of his ally (assurances which his Imperial Maj. received and acknow. ledged with apparent confidence and satisfaction); and when his Maj. was, in fact, prepared to employ for the advancement of the common objects of the war, those forces which, after the peace of Tilsit, he was under the necessity of employing to disconcert a combination directed against his own immediate interests and security. -The. vexation of Russian commerce by G. Britain. is, in truth, little more than an imaginary grievance Upon a diligent examination, made by his Maj.'s command, of the records of the British Court of Admiralty, there has been discovered only a solitary instance in the course of the present war, of the condemnation of a vessel really Russian a vessel which had carried naval stores to a port of the common enemy. There are

;

but few instances of Russian vessels detained: and none in which justice has been refused to a party regularly complaining of such detention. It is therefore matter of surprise, as well as of concern to his Maj., that the Emperor of Russia should have con- . descended to bring forward a complaint. which, as it cannot be seriously felt by those in whose behalf it is urged, might appear to be intended to countenance those exaggerated declamations, by which France per-.

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severingly endeavours to inflame the jealousy of other countries, and to justify her own inveterate animosity against G. Britain. The peace of Tilsit was followed by an offer of mediation on the part of the Emperor of Russia, for the conclusion of a peace between G. Britain and France; which, it is asserted, that his Maj. refused.-His Maj. did not refuse the mediation of the Emperor of Russia; although the offer of it was accompanied by circumstances of concealment, which might well have justified his refusal. The articles of the treaty of Tilsit were not communicated to his Maj.; and specifically that article of the treaty in virtue of which the mediation was proposed, and which prescribed a limited time for the return of his Maj.'s answer to that proposal. And his Maj. was thus led into an apparent compliance with a limitation so offensive to the dignity of an independent sovereign. But the answer so returned by his Maj. was not a refusal. It was a conditional acceptance. The conditions required by his Maj. were a statement of the basis upon which the enemy was disposed to treat; and a communication of the articles of the peace of Tilsit. The first of these conditions was precisely the same which the Emperor of Russia had himself annexed not four months before to his own acceptance of the proffered mediation of the Emperor of Austria. The second was one which his Maj. would have had a right to require, even as the ally of his Imperial Maj. but which it would have been highly improvident to omit, when -he was invited to confide to his Imperial Maj. the care of his honour and of his interest. But even if these conditions (neither of which has been fulfilled, although the fulfilment of them has been repeatedly required by his Maj.'s ambassador at St. Pe tersburgh), had not been-in themselves perfectly natural and necessary; there were not wanting considerations which might have warranted his Maj. in endeavouring, with more than ordinary anxiety, to ascertain the - views and intentions of the Emperor of Russia, and the precise nature and effect of the new relations which his Imperial Maj. had contracted.-The complete abandonment of the interests of the King of Prussia (who had twice rejected proposals of separate peace, from a strict adherence to his engagements with his Imperial ally), and the character of those provisions which the Emperor of Russia was contented to make for his own interests in the negociations of Tilsit, presented no encouraging prospect of the result of any exertions which his Imperial Maj. might be disposed to employ in

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favour of G. Britain.-It is not, while a French army still occupies and lays waste the remaining dominions of the King of Prussia, in spite of the stipulations of the Prus sian treaty of Tilsit; while contributions are arbitrarily exacted by France from that rem nant of the Prussian monarchy, such as, in its entire and most flourishing state, the Prussian monarchy would have been unable to discharge; while the surrender is demanded, in time of peace, of Prussian fortresses, which had not been reduced during the war; and while the power of France is exercised over Prussia with such shameless tyranny, as to designate and demand for instant death, individuals, subjects of his Prussian Maj, and resident in his dominions, upon a charge of disrespect towards the French government;-it is not while all these things are done and suffered, under the eyes of the Emperor of Russia, and without his interference on behalf of his ally, that his Maj. can feel himself called upon to account to Europe for having hesitated to repose an unconditional confidence in the efficacy of his Imperial Maj.'s mediation.-Nor, even if that mediation had taken full effect, if a peace had been concluded under it, and that peace guaranteed by his Imperial Maj., could his Maj. have placed implicit reliance on the stability of any such arrangement, after having seen the Emperor of Russia openly transfer to France the sovereignty of the Ionian republic, the independence of which his Imperial Maj. bad recently and solemnly guaranteed.-But while the alleged rejection of the Emperor of Russia's mediation, between G. Britain and France, is stated as a just ground of his Imperial Maj.'s resentment; his Maj.'s request of that mediation, for the re-establishment of peace between G. Britain and Denmark, is represented as an insult which it was beyond the bounds of his Imperial Maj.'s moderation to endure.→→ His Maj. feels himself under no obligation to offer any atonement or apology to the Emperor of Russia for the expedition against Copenhagen. It is not for those who were parties to the secret arrangements of Tilsit, to demand satisfaction for a measure to which those arrangements gave rise, and by which one of the objects of them has been happily defeated. His Maj.'s justification of the expedition against Copenhagen is before the world. The Declaration of the Emperor of Russia would supply whatever was wanting in it, if any thing could be wanting to convince the most incredulous of the urgency of that necessity under which his Maj. acted.But published,

until the Russian Declaration was

his Maj. had no reason to suspect that any

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