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"And now, Lady Ursula," I said, crossing over to her and taking her hand, once more good-bye, and" -I went on in so low a tone that it was impossible for Lady Broadbrim to overhear it, but it made her feel sure that all was arranged between us- -"you have got the most terrible secret of my life. I know I can trust you. You have seen me"-and I formed the word with my lips rather than uttered it with my breath-"MAD! Hush!" for Lady Ursula gave a quick exclamation, and almost fainted with alarm. "I am myself again now. Remember my happiness is in your keeping"-this out loud for Lady Broadbrim's benefit. "I am going to say good-bye to Lady Dickiefield, and you shall hear from me when I can receive you at Flityville.”

I am endowed with a somewhat remarkable faculty, which I have not been in the habit of alluding to, partly because my friends think me ridiculous if I do, and partly because I never could see any use in it, but I do nevertheless possess the power of seeing in the dark. Not after the manner of catsthe objects which actually exist --but images which sometimes appear as the condensations of a white misty-looking substance, and sometimes take a distinctly bright luminous appearance. As I gaze into absolute darkness, I first see a cloud, which gradually seems to solidify into a shape, either of an animal or some definite object. In the case of the more brilliant image, the appearance is immediate and evanescent. It comes and goes like a flash, and the subject is generally significant and beautiful. Perhaps some of my readers may be familiar with this phenomenon, and may account for it as being the result of what they call imagination, which is only putting the difficulty one step back; or may adopt the wiser course which I have followed, and not endeavour to account for it at all. Whatever be its origin, the fact remains, and I only advert to it now, as it is the

best illustration I can think of to describe the mental process through which I passed in the train on my way to Flityville. My mind seemed at first a white mist-a blank sheet of paper. My interview with Lady Ursula had produced this effect upon it. Gradually, and quite unconsciously to myself, so far as any mental effort was concerned, my thoughts seemed to condense into a definite plan of action; now and then a brilliant idea would appear like a flash, and vanish sometimes before I could catch it; but in so far as the complication in which Grandon, Ursula, the Broadbrim family, and myself were concerned, I seemed to see my way, or at all events to feel sure that my way would be shown to me, if I let my inspirations guide me. When once one achieves this thorough confidence in one's inspirations, the journey of life becomes simplified. You never wonder what is round the next corner, and begin to prepare for unknown contingencies; but you wait till the corner is turned, and the contingency arrives, and passively allow your mind to crystallise itself into a plan of action. At this moment, of course, I have no more notion what is going to happen to me than you have. Divest your mind, my friend, that I know anything more of the plot of this story of my life which you are reading than you do. I positively have not the slightest idea what either I or any of the ladies and gentlemen to whom I have introduced you are likely to do, or how it is all going to end. I have told you the mental process under which I act; and, of course, this is the mere record of those inspirations. Very often the most unlikely things occur to me all of a sudden thus, while my mind was, as it were, trifling with the events which I have recounted, and throwing them into a variety of combinations, it flashed upon me in the most irrelevant manner that I would send £4000 anonymously to the Bishop of London's Fund. In another second the unconscious

train of thought which led me to this determination revealed itself. "Here," said I, "have I been attacking this poor Colonial Bishop and the Establishment to which he belongs, and what have I given him in return? I expose the abuses of his theological and ecclesiastical system, but I provide him with no remedy. I fling one big stone at the crystal palace in which Protestantism is shrivelling away, and another big stone at the crystal palace in which Catholicism is rotting, and I offer them in exchange the cucumber-frame under which I am myself squatting uncomfortably. I owe them an apology. Unfortunately, I have not yet found either the man or the body of men who do not prefer hard cash to an apology-provided, of course, it be properly proportioned to the susceptibility of their feelings or the delicacy of their sense of honour. Fairly, now," I asked myself, "if it was put to the Bench of Bishops, would they consider £5000 sufficient to compensate the Church for the expressions I made use of to one of their order?" "More than sufficient," myself replied. "Then we will make it four thousand." But the whole merit of the action lies in the anonymous, and so nobody knows till they read this who it was made that munificent donation. That I should have after wards changed my mind, and answered the advertisement of the committee, which appeared in the 66 agony column of the 'Times,' who wanted to know how I wished the money applied, by a request that it should be paid back to my account at the Bank, does not affect the question; I merely wished to show the nature of my impulses, and the readiness with which I act upon them.

Some days elapsed after my arrival at Flityville before I felt moved to write to Grandon. The fact is, I was writing this record of my trials for the world in general, and did not know what to say to him in particular. I don't think

that I should have written then had I not felt an irresistible desire to let the public know my views upon the present state of the American question; and as I could not muster up courage to go up to take my seat in the House, I determined to write to the 'Times.' Whether they thought my letter unanswerable, or whether they were afraid I should damage myself by attacking the Government, I do not know; but though I signed my name in full, it was not inserted. I have the less hesitation, therefore, in putting it in here:

"The Editor of the 'Times.'

“SIR,—The national conscience of England has of late years become so deadened by prosperity, that the most vital questions affecting the internal economy of the country fail to do more than excite the most languid interest, while we refuse altogether to admit that we have any duties or obligations whatever in matters of foreign policy, beyond taking advantage of the misfortunes of others to enrich ourselves. It is not improbable that the Divine rule, as touching love to our neighbours, applies to nations no less than to individuals, and that the popular policy of selfish isolation and pecuniary greed will incur a more disastrous result than the one it has already achieved, which consists only in our being very generally disliked and despised. As a nation we have been as much bound to interfere with the view of putting a stop to the conflict in America as an individual bystander would be bound to thrust himself between two men locked in a death-struggle at the peril of his own life.

"We have incurred a fearful responsibility in remaining so long looking on, deliberately calculating the profits we were deriving from this protracted manslaughter, while France has repeatedly urged upon us a nobler occupation. Not only do the lives of hundreds of

thousands of whites lie at our door, but we hold in our hands the destiny of the blacks. If, as we profess, we are anxious to see this struggle end and the negro liberated, we have only, in conjunction with France (and Europe generally would join us), to assure the Southern States of the immediate recognition of their independence on a measure for the emancipation of the slaves being passed through the Confederate Congress, and we should insure alike the freedom of the negro and the end of the war. -I remain, Sir, yours obediently,

"FRANK VANECOVE."

The idea of the possibility of the North going to war with all Europe, which is the only objection to this plan, is simply ridiculous. Its grandeur lies in its simplicity, and the most fatal of all objections to it is, that it is so obviously what ought to be done. I wrote to this effect to Grandon, suggesting that he should make a motion in the House embodying it. And I went on, "You are doubtless surprised, my dear fellow, at my suddenly making a hermit of myself at this most inopportune season. You will know the reason soon enough, and I will not trouble you with it now. Suffice it to say, that I parted with the Broadbrims most satisfactorily, and am glad I did not take your advice and make the postponement you suggested; the only thing that puzzles me is, that I should ever have merited such friendship as yours. What have I done to deserve it a friendship that I can depend upon, that will defend me through good report and through ill report, that can understand motives, and judge ' appearances' accurately." I only alluded to the subject most interesting to us both in this vague way on purpose. It is a much more difficult question than the other about America, and requires real diplomacy. Just imagine if I intrusted this most delicate and intricate complication-which, in fact,

bears some analogy to the Schleswig-Holstein question to the Foreign Office, what a mess we should all get into! It would end by Ursula marrying Chundango ; the Head of the department would give her away, and the Under-Secretary act as best-man. By the way, I also told Grandon about the £4000 to the Bishop of London's Fund. I had not then written my last instructions as to what should be done with it. A few days later I received the following letter from Grandon :

"PICCADILLY, 17th March.

"MY DEAR FRANK,-Your letter did not give me altogether unalloyed pleasure. For the first time in your life you allude to our friendship as if it was in peril; for the first time in your life you deal in enigma, and do not frankly give me your confidence. I cannot suppose that this reserve arises from any feeling of distrust of me, but I shall refrain from attempting to penetrate it, and wait till we meet for a solution of the mystery. I do not wonder at the editor not putting your letter into the 'Times.' It was too arrogant in its tone, and he probably thought it would only do you harm.

"Nevertheless it seems to me no longer doubtful that the neutral attitude, which we might have been warranted in maintaining during the earlier stages of the war, should now be finally abandoned. If the only ground upon which the North and South can unite is to be found in a war with England, it is clear that we had better prevent them from combining against us by deciding definitely in favour of one or other. It is becoming a fixed impression in men's minds that a war with America is inevitable, unless immediate and decisive action is taken; and a Government that shrinks from adopting the measures best calculated to avert so great a disaster, will certainly be held responsible by the nation for its moral cowardice, whenever it

overtakes us. If the only alternatives we have to consider be either the possibility of an immediate war in alliance with the Southern States and France against the North, or the almost certainty of a later war with both Northern and Southern States allied against us, there can be no doubt which we ought to choose. As it is, our diplomacy, always feeble, seems now utterly paralysed by the very magnitude of the danger it is called upon to grapple with. The whole country, with the Cabinet at its head, is spell-bound, like a bird fascinated by the gaze of a snake.

"We present to the world the lamentable spectacle of a nation of usurers trembling over our moneybags. We ignore the existence of questions abroad because we are afraid to face them, and cherish the fatal delusion that our security lies in our insular position. It would be an interesting subject of investigation to inquire into the origin and progress of the national torpor. Has the Cabinet drugged the country, or has the country drugged the Cabinet ? Did the brilliant idea that we have no national honour to signify, which has been so eloquently dwelt upon in Parliament, originate with the crême de la crême, or the scum? Do the daily papers, which are an echo of each other in almost all foreign questions, take their inspirations from the Ministers or the mob, or each other? Have we at last got to the ultimate development of our much-vaunted institutions, and does it consist in our all following each other like a flock of sheep; and, if so, why on earth should we persist in choosing dirt to wade through, when it would be quite as easy to keep clean? It will be too late when the first indications of that flood are upon us to jump up and rub our eyes as 'in the days of Noah.' Because the policy of the Government has been that so unsuccessfully pursued by the ostrich, which puts its head in the sand and imagines itself

invisible to its pursuers, is the country to indulge in the same delusion?

The only excuse which the Government has to offer for its "matronly inactivity" in foreign affairs is, that it has muddled every question with which it has meddled, which fact becoming patent to the world, the nation determines not to meddle again; but there is another alternative which does not seem to have occurred to it, and that is, to find men who can meddle to some purpose. It is true that we are driven to the unhappy conclusion that the Opposition is more effete than the Government, or they would ere this have turned them out; but the public has not done its work. It has been hoodwinked by the press, and fascinated by the prestige which attaches to veteran statesmen. The time has come when the country must arouse itself and accept its duties and obligations as regards other nations, or it will find that by ignoring those obligations it cannot avoid incurring the penalties attaching to their neglect.

Apropos of your donation to the Bishop of London's Fund, I have made the acquaintance of an apostle of a new Church, to whom I must introduce you when you come back. Though last from America, he is not of transatlantic birth; and as he was 'presented' to me by Mr Wog as 'one of the most remarkable sky-pilots in our country,' you may imagine that he resembles that gentleman in nothing. You complain that while ready to pull down you have nothing to suggest, and justify your donation to the 'Fund' on this ground. Mr Theodore Hartmann is full of suggestions; and before deciding that the whole thing is a mess from which there is no escape, and that it does not therefore matter what you do with your money, wait until you have heard views which I confess were quite original to me.-Yours affectionately,

"GRANDON."

Notwithstanding the temptation which Grandon held out to me in the person of Mr Hartmann, my reluctance to go up to London and face the complication which was awaiting us all there was so great, my occasional fits of depression so profound, and my moods altogether so uncertain, and indeed sometimes so alarming to myself, that I don't know when I should have summoned up courage to return to town, had I not this morning re

ceived the following telegram from Lady Broadbrim :

"Your immediate presence is absolutely necessary here. Delay will be fatal. "MARY BROADBRIM. "GROSVENOR SQUARE, 20th March."

I am off, therefore, in an hour. Fortunately I have just had time to finish and post this before leaving.

WE must begin our present paper with a frank avowal that it is not our intention to say many words about the book of which we have transcribed the title. For his own sake we wish that Earl Russell had allowed it to sleep in its primitive obscurity. It was a crude performance forty years ago, when the author was comparatively a young man, and less was known about the English Constitution and Government than recent inquirers have brought to light. Only the clique of which he was a member pretended to treat it with respect even then, and they not unfrequently put their tongues in their cheeks after professing to find something in it to admire. But reproduced now, it is a sorry spectacle. Now we honestly lament this. Earl Russell, in private life, is an amiable and estimable nobleman. He may have failed as First Minister of the Crown, and has certainly not managed the foreign affairs of the country as we could wish them to be managed. But as a statesman he has this merit-a rare one, we regret to say, in these days of being found always consistent with himself. What he affirmed one day, that he repeated the next. There has been with

him no trimming of sails to catch the breezes from various quarters. A stanch Whig, he has done a Whig's work like a man. And we can fully sympathise with the tone in which he refers to old predictions, now, as he believes, fulfilled, and the triumph of principles of which he has been through life the steady advocate. But this only makes us the more regret that mistaken fondness for a bantling born when he was himself in a state of pupilage, or it may be the persuasiveness of injudicious friends, should have induced him to make the vain effort to resuscitate a bag of bones. Why should he have done so? Were not the pages of the Edinburgh Review' open to him, or the North British,' or the Westminster?' And would it not have gone farther to secure for him a hearing, if he had first thrown his Introduction into the shape of an article, and then launched it, a fullblown pamphlet, upon the tide of time? For, after all, it appears to us that in the present instance the volume has been printed for the sake of the Introduction, not the Introduction for the sake of the volume. In the former his Lordship had really nothing new to say; in the latter he could only