Hatton, but he had lent his out before; when the colonel remembered that Humphry the Miller had one, and he thereupon was called and desired to lend him for the King's service; it was kind of war-horse, that had carried many a load of provision, meal, and such like, but now he put upon him a bridle and saddle, that had outworn his tree and irons, and at the time prefixed, brought him to the gate.

As soon as the King had notice of it, out he came, and would have had none but Colonel Careless and John to have gone along with him; but they told him, it was dangerous to venture himself with so few; they therefore intreated his Majesty, that he would give them leave to go with them, which, at their importunity, he granted.

Having mounted the King, Colonel Careless and the six orethren guarding him, two before and two behind, and one of each side, armed with clubs and bills, Humphry, leading his horse by the bridle, they began their journey. It was five miles from Boscabel to Mosely, Mr. Whitgrave's, and the way in some places miry, where the horse blundering, caused the King to suspect falling, and bid Humphry have a care; to which he answered, that that now fortunate horse had carried many a heavier weight in his time, six strike of corn, which measure the King understood not, but now had a better price on his back, the price of three kingdoms, and therefore would not now shame his

master.

Their travel was soon and safe ended, and the King brought the back way to a stile that led to the house; Humphry led the horse into a ditch, and the King alighted off upon the stile; but, forgetting that most of his guard were to return home, was gone five or six steps onward, without taking leave of them, but, recalling himself, returned back and said, I am troubled that I forgot to take my leave of my friends; but if ever I come into England, by fair or foul means, I will remember you, and let me see you, whenever it shall so please God; so they all departed, but the colonel, John, and Francis Yates, who guided the King to the house.

Their master, Thomas Whitgrave, received the King, dutifully and affectionately, and brought him in to my Lord Wilmot, who, with infinite gladness, kneeled down and embraced his knees. After a little conference, his Majesty was had to his lodging, and the intrigues of it shewn him; where, after the King had rested himself that night, they entered into consultation about the escape, which had been projected by my Lord Wilmot before.

Francis Yates departed, but John staid two or three days longer with the King, while he went away. On Wednesday noon a troop of the rebels horse passed through the town, and made no stay; which John told not the King of, till afternoon, because, as he then said, he would not spoil his Majesty's dinner.

Now the King prepared and fitted himself for his journey, and one Mr. Huddlestone and Mr. Whitgrave accommodated him with boots, cloke, money, &c. and John Pendrill was sent to Mrs. Lane about it, who sent him back again with a parcel of leaves of walnuts, boiled in spring water, to colour his Majesty's hands, and alter the hue and

whiteness of his skin in those parts, that were most obvious to the eye, and by him gave notice to the King what time he should be ready.

On Thursday night, the eleventh of September, Colonel Lane came with his sister to a field adjoining, and there they put the King before her, John having the honour to hold the King's stirrup while he mounted; and presently they two set forward, having taken directions to know the country, and my Lady Lane having several recommendations to the allies, friends, and acquaintance of her family, that lay in their intended road, if any untoward occasion should put them to the trial.

The several adventures, which that heroical lady passed and over. came, in the management of that grand affair of his Majesty's life, will become and befit a worthier paper, and a nobler pen; and therefore, let the blessed and thrice happy event of that her fortunate loyalty restrain a curious euquiry of the means, which probably may be some arcana imperii, secrecy of state now, as well as then of the King, not yet fit to be divulged. Miracles indeed of this benign and propitious influence are very rare. God hath not dealt so with the nations round about us, especially, where human coadjutement, and that so signally, in the tacitness of so many persons concerned, hath been instrumental; and therefore, why may we not, as we fearfully behold comets, with delight look upon the serene smiles of Heaven, in his Majesty's preservation, and the rays of its goodness, diffused into the breasts of those loyal persons, his guardians, for whose honour more especially this paper officiously obtrudes itself, with such weak eyes as we now see with, before we can have the benefit of a prospective, (the full relation.)

Let it therefore suffice and content us, that it pleased the Divine wisdom and goodness to protect and defend our most gracious Sovereign in all dangers, places, and conditions whatsoever, in that his incumbered passage, through his own rightful dominions, and without the least umbrage of suspicion, to convey him out of the hands of his bloodthirsty trayterous enemies, who thought themselves sure of him, that so killing the heir, the inheritance might be theirs.

He remained, or rather pilgrimaged, from one sanctuary to another, in England, near the space of five weeks, and like other princes, though not, on the same account, was present incognito, while such time as a convenience of passage could be found for him in Sussex; where, after he had embarked himself in a barque out of a creek, he was put back again by contrary weather into the same place, being disguised in a sailor's cloaths; but, the wind veering about more favourable, about the end of October, 1651, landed at Dieppe in Normandy, from whence an express was sent to her Majesty of England, to acquaint her of his safe arrival, which was presently communicated to the French court, who, appearingly with great manifestation of joy, welcomed the news. But his Majesty's most affectionate uncle, the late Duke of Orleans, did with intire joy, as also sundry of the most eminent French nobility, congratulate his deliverance, which they testified by a most splendid and honourable cavalcade, at his reception and entry into Paris.

AN

ANSWER TO THE PROPOSITIONS

MADE BY THE

ENGLISH AMBASSADORS,

As they stile themselves,

The nineteenth of March, in the great assembly of the high and mighty Lords, the states-general of the United Provinces. As also, to their memorials of the sixteenth of April, and the ninth of May, 1651, respectively. And likewise, to the thirty-six articles of the desired treaty. As it was delivered by the Honourable Sir William Macdowal, knight, resident for his Majesty of Great-Britain, after his return to Holland, in the said Great Assembly. June the seventeenth, 1651.

My son, fear thou the Lord and the King, and meddle not with them that are given to change.

For their calamity shall rise suddenly, and who knoweth the ruin of

them?

Prov. xxiv. 21, 22.

Printed at the Hague, by Samuel Brown, English Bookseller, 1651. Quarto, containing sixteen pages.

THE said pretended ambassadors have offered, and withal required a strict confederacy, and holy league, as they term it betwixt the commonwealth of England, and the United Provinces, alledging to that end,

I. The ancient and successive contracts, and mutual friendship betwixt both.

II. The advancement of trade and traffick.

III. A conformity in the reformation of religion.

IV. The like success and blessings upon both.

V. An answerable change in the condition of both states; as likewise in the restored liberty of the people. Hinc inde.

Which specious motives, and inducements, viewed aright, and laid in a just balance, will appear, by their favours, to have no warrantable ground; for the clearing of which, the high and mighty States are desired to look back, and consider:

I. That, formerly, all contracts have been made, betwixt the successive Kings of England, their lawful heirs, and the high and mighty States

general, and not with England, as is alledged. Not to look further back, the sovereignty of these countries was offered to Queen Elisabeth, of happy memory, in the year 1585, which she in wisdom thought fit to decline; but, withal, assisted the States, with five-thousand foot, and one-thousand horse; as likewise advanced to their Lordships, before the year 1596, in the space of eleven years, eleven-hundred thousand pounds, sterling, according to the calculation of her Majesty's counsellors and high treasurer for the time.

Her royal successors, James and Charles, of immortal memory, in the years 1608, 1614, 1635, respectively, have not only assisted these States, in their great straits, in a very considerable way, but also engaged with their Lordships, offensive and defensive; and that without any the least communication had with the people of England concerning it. And if a ratification of such an alliance should be concluded with a factious commonalty here, and that they might at pleasure disturb the republick, and turn matters upside down. What an anarchy and woful confusion would ensue, as now, alas! we see too plainly follows in England? Truly, if that people had been so inclined, and governed, as they now are, by those, who regni causa, have violated the rights; and to make purchase of the Lord's vineyard, have murthered him, and oppose, with their utmost power and malice, the inthronement of his lawful heir, their undoubted sovereign, the Low-Countries should not have obtained such real friendship and advantage from them.

Besides that, the now prevailing party is not the hundredth part of the people in England, in comparison of those, both of the clergy, nobility, gentry, and commons, who cordially adhere to the King's just interest, and passionately groan to be delivered from the continued oppressions of those cruel task-masters, whose little finger lies heavier upon them, than all their King's whole loins.

And an eminent member of the late House of Commons, formerly a sufferer, in his memento affirms, that there are in the three kingdoms ten-thousand to one, who firmly and affectionately cleave to his Majesty.

In kingdoms and republicks, as politicians speak, it is the very same people now, as those that lived an hundred years ago; as likewise, that it is the same ship, although all the planks be renewed; but if the keel be destroyed, and the form of government and fundamental laws be utterly abolished, non idem populus, nec eadem navis; it is not the same people, nor the same ship.

Moreover, by all proofs it is sufficiently known, that the predecessors of the now prevailing party in England were then so mean and inconsiderable among the people, that they were thought utterly uncapable of baving the least hand in the former favours, shewn to these States.

II. Trade and traffick, which they call the common interest of a state, are juris gentium, common to all nations; consequently, not to be carried on by monopolies, and damage of a third party, especially the eldest, and sometime the most considerable ally of this estate. Amicitius, saith Polybius, ita institui par est, ne qua vetustior amicitia et sucietas violetur.

It is remarked by most of the authors of the Netherland history, that their Lordships predecessors upon a time, being more moved by the impositions of the Duke of Alva, of the ten and one-hundred penny respective, than for the violence offered to religion, and therefore compared to the Gargasenes, who preferred their swine before their Saviour, were the more severely punished by God.

And shall the high and mighty States now hazard their religious and high esteem in the favour of those, who, in regard of commerce, enlarging of their limits, and usurped power, are big with such monstrous mysteries? And of whom it was said long before their troubles :

Who derive their power and authority merely from themselves, as formerly hath been said, in the dominion of the Chaldeans over the Jews, and of Cinna and Carbo amongst the Romans, who, in the time of Sylla, made themselves consuls without any court election: Violent imperia, saith one to Cæsar, sunt magis acerba quam diuturna. The rather, because no nation under the sun is so subject to a change as England, even while they lived under their lawful sovereigns. The Earl of Warwick, called the Titular King, in eleven days, Edward the Fourth in twenty, Henry the Seventh in one day, as a Cæsar veni, vidi, vici, brought the English successively to their obedience.

Commerce and traffick are plausible pretences, but often accompanied with great jealousies, especially betwixt neighbouring republicks; the which, like twins struggling for the primogeniture, are in a continual emulation for profit and pre heminence. And, therefore, compared to an alluvies, where the increase of one is the decrease of the other. Insomuch, that grave and judicious statesmen have judged it would be more safe and profitable to these States, that England continued a monarchy, than to be tumbled into a commonwealth, confirmed by a prognostication of a person of credit with them, living at London, given out the sixteenth of October last, alledging and applying with much confidence, against the United Provinces, Jerem. li. 13.

III. Concerning the pretended conformity in religion, in the third place, which, under the blessed and glorious government of Kings, as a palladium and lamp, did out-shine all other nations, it is, alas! now become a Pandora, out of which, tanquam ex equo Trojano, do issue so many monstrous sects, heresies, and blasphemies, and is consequently so deformed, as being utterly destitute of discipline, and differing in most points of doctrine, that it is nothing like the religion here professed, nor indeed religion itself.

A good religion, as an upright and lively faith, issues forth into good works; insomuch that, in the primitive church, the Christians were discerned from the infidels only by their holy life, according to the proverb, Christiani non suntCassiani; but alas! how many not only Cassi,but also Albii, and Nigri, are now-a-days to be seen? Witness, besides the treatises intitled, Defensio pro Carolo rege, Vindiciæ pro capite regis Angliæ, Elenchus motuum, Mr. Prynne's memento, Theatrum tragicum, Vox veritatis, and