morial, if they be poor, it shall be registered, or an extract shall be given them out of the register-book for nothing; but, if they are not poor, the duty is to be paid for the registering, or for the extract, which may be taken out of a memorial; and, when they have found the persons to whom the extract shall give them address, if the bargain, whereof the memorial doth give information, be concluded, or the effect of the memorial be otherwise made void; the register is to be discharged of it within twenty-four hours, and, for this discharge of the register, nothing shall be paid. Now the register should be discharged of the memorials which are made void, lest fruitless addresses be made to any concerning a matter already dispatched; and, lest those, that have received satisfaction which they desired by their memorials, be troubled with new visitors which the office may send unto them, if this be not done. Lastly, By all that hath been said this is very evident, that this way of address will be the most useful and advantageous constitution for the supply of all men's wants, and the dispatch of all businesses, that can be thought upon, in this or any other commonwealth; and that this way may easily be set on foot is apparent from this, that to settle it nothing is wanting, but the designment of a place, in which the office should be kept, and an act of authority to be given to the sollicitor of publick designs, whereby he should be ordered to prosecute this matter. This act, then, might run in such terms as these, or the like: "Seeing the provision for the poor, to supply their necessities, and give them and others address unto some employments, is not only a work of Christian charity, but of great usefulness to a well-ordered commonwealth: It is therefore ordered and ordained, by both Houses of parliament, that N. N. shall be a superintendent-general for the good of the poor of this kingdom, to find out and propose the ways of their relief, and give to them, and all others, such addresses as shall be most expedient to supply their wants, and to procure to every one their satisfaction, in the accommodation of all their commendable or lawful desires. To which effect, the said N. N. is authorised hereby to appoint, first in London, and then in all other places of this kingdom, wheresoever he shall think it expedient, an office of encounter or address in such place or places, as by authority shall be designed to that use. In which places he shall have power to put under-officers, &c. who shall, according to his direction, be bound to keep books and registers, wherein it shall be free for every one to cause to be written and registered, by several and distinct chapters, every thing whereof address may be given concerning the said necessities and accommodations; and likewise it shall be free for every one to come to the said offices, to receive addresses by extracts out of the registers, upon condition that the rich shall pay for such an extract, or the registering of a memorial, but two-pence, or three-pence at the most; and that the poor shall have this done on their behalf for nothing; nor shall any be bound, or obliged to make use of this office, by giving, or taking out memorials, further than of their own accord they shall be willing." ENGLAND'S Proper and only way to an ESTABLISHMENT IN HONOUR, Freedom, Peace, and Happiness: OR THE NORMAN YOKE ONCE MORE UNCASED; And the necessity, justice, and present seasonableness of breaking it in pieces, demonstrated, in eight most plain and true propositions, with their proofs. By the author of Anti-Normanism, and of the Plain English to the neglecters of it. Deo, Patria, Tibi. Imprimatur Gilbert Mabbot. London, printed for R. L. Anno Dom. 1648. Quarto, containing sixteen pages. READER, TO THE READER. THOU hast here once more my endeavour for to draw this our nation from under the right, title, effects, and badges of the Norman (pretended) conquest over us, to which, by the iniquity of precedent times, and the ignorant negligence of the present, we remain still subject. Conquest, saith Dr. Hudson, in its best attire, is the most eminent of curses; but, sure, it is a curse far more eminent, to be so difficult to be persuaded to come out of that quality, especially, while undeniable justice, power, and opportunity add their invitations. If, what is here made manifest, shall meet with due and timely regard, and produce effects according, we may happily recover that incomparable freedom, honour, peace, and happiness, which we enjoyed under the glorious, and our last right English king, St. Edward; but, if such cold consideration shall attend it, as seems to have befallen what hath been before sent abroad upon the same errand, shall esteem it great pity, and am much deceived, if either by our old, or some new conquerors, we be not taught with more than words, what belongs to such as have not capacity to be either ingenuous subjects, or dutiful slaves. Vale. JO. HARE. Proposition 1. That the right and title of a (pretended) conquest over the English na tion, by foreigners called Normans, hath been heretofore set up, and is still upheld in this kingdom, and that all Englishmen, by the mouths of their parliaments and lawyers, have submitted and do still submit unto the same, and are governed in great part by Norman innovations, being foreign laws and customs introduced by the said Normans in despight of the English people, for marks and monuments of the said conquest. THAT * Proof. HAT the right and title of such a conquest is still on foot, and stands for the basis of this kingdom, I suppose needs no proof. That it is accordingly still submitted to, I have proved in my Plain English, page 3, 4, a sufficient part of which probation is this, viz. that, by the mouths abovesaid, we do acknowledge (how truly I shall shew in my fifth proposition) that the duke of Normandy absolutely purchased with his sword the crown of England and our allegiance, for otherwise he could not be as we name him our conqueror. Secondly, That accordingly we do submit to his heirs, placing him the said duke, specificated with his said title of conqueror, for the root and alpha of our rightful kings; so that it is plain that the said conquest doth enjoy both our acknowledgment and professed allegiance: That the Norman innovations are retained, to the almost exiling of our own proper laws, is every where both legible and visible: That they were introduced in manner and for the purpose abovesaid, and accordingly resented and reluctated against by the English people, while they understood themselves and their proprieties, may appear by their many exclamations made against them unto the (pretended) conqueror, by the acts of the Kentish men, and by the Londoners petition in King Stephen's time, which also occasioned those many regal oaths to be then and still taken, though not yet performed, for retracting these innovations and restoring the laws of King Edward; so far are the said innovations from being any part of our legitimate laws, though our wild lawyers so repute them, the proper birth or stamp whereof is to be of the people's choosing, as the coronation-oath testifies. And thus much for to shew that, while we dispute the duty of subjects, we profess the allegiance of captives; while we spurn at English proclamations, we submit to Norman laws; and that, notwithstanding all our great victories and triumphs, we do still remain, as much as ever, under the title and in the quality of a conquered nation; unto which what reasons we have to induce us, I shall shew in my ensuing propositions. Proposition 2. That the said title of conquest and Norman innovations (while they continue in force in this kingdom) are destructive to the honour, freedom, and all other unquestioned rights of this nation, and much more to the present legality and future validity of this parliament's proceedings. See Daniel's Hist. p. 43. Proof. A GREAT part of the injuriousness of this title and innovations, towards our nation, I cannot better set forth than in the words of learned Fortescue (cited by Mr. Prynne in his Sovereign Power, part 1. p. 37, 38.) though himself a Norman and arguing only against unlimited prerogative in the crown, which is but part of what is inseparably wrapped up in the title of conquest, who having declared it to be the undoubted right of Englishmen to have this two-fold privilege, viz. To be under laws of their own choosing, and princes which themselves admit (in which two consists a great part of their honour and the sum of their freedom as I have shewed in my Plain English, p. 1.) adds, that of the benefit of this their right they should be utterly defrauded, if they should be under a King that might spoil them of their goods, as our first pretended conqueror did, and as the heirs of his title by the law of all conquests still may, and yet should they be much more injured, if they should afterwards be governed by foreign and strange laws, and such peradventure as they deadly hated and abhorred, of which sort I have before shewed these innovations to be. And most of all, if by those laws their substance should be diminished, as it is by many of these innovations, particularly that of drawing the generality of law-suits to Westminster, for the safeguard whereof, as also of their honour and of their own bodies, they submitted themselves to his government; thus and more he; to which I may add, that this injuriousness were yet more aggravated, if our kings which were installed by our admission, and should thus patronise our honour, &c. should profess themselves to be of foreign blood, declare that they owe their right to the crown unto none but their sword, and write on our foreheads that we are their conquered and captive vassals, as our princes, while they retain the said title, do. In sum, the title and effects of this pretended conquest are a yoke of captivity, unto which while we continue our fond and needless submission, we renounce honour, freedom, and all absolute right to any thing but just shame and oppression, being thereby in the quality of professed captive bondslaves, unto the heirs of the duke of Normandy, and wearing the open livery of that profession. And, though we enjoy a mitigation of our slavery by charters, yet are those charters revokable at the King's pleasure, as King Richard the Second well observed, while the kingdom continues grounded on the conquest; which I have sufficiently proved, in the preface to Plain English, from the tenour of Magna Charta itself (which declares the said charter to be an act of mere grace and favour, and grounded upon respect not so much of duty as of meritorious supererogation towards God, much less of duty, though benefit, to the nation) and from a + confession of parliament; and is also otherwise no less clearly evincible, for that it is a maxim, that all subjects of a conquest, especially while they profess themselves such, as we simply still do, are in the quality of tenants in villenage, subject and subservient, in their persons and estates, to the will, honour, and benefit of their conqueror and his heirs, according to the axiom in ‡ Cæsar (men See Mr. Prynne's S. P. fol. 59, b.. + See M. Prynne's citation last mentioned, M tioned in my Plain English, pag. 7.) Jus est belli ut hi qui vicissent his quos vicissent quemadmodum vellent imperarent. That the conquered are, by the laws of war, under the arbitrary rule and government of their conquerors; and according to the practice in the Turkish dominions, which are not more grounded on conquest than we yield ours to be; which captive and slavish quality, how unseemly it is for Englishmen to continue in, especially towards a Norman colony, and that, while they may with justice and facility come out of it, I have shewn in my Anti-Normanism: And as touching the consequent* illegality of this parliament's proceedings, until they either repeal this title, or else renounce the quality of Englishmen, if it seem not evident enough from the premisses, it may be seen in my Plain English, evinced and proved against all objections whatsoever; of which illegality, future invalidity is both the sister and daughter. Proposition 3. That the same are also derogatory to the King's right to the crown, to his honour, and to his just interest in the people's affections. Proof. FOR it is confessed on all sides, particularly by Master Marshall and Master Prynne, the prolocutors of the parliamentarians, and by Dr. Hudson, the grand royalist, that the title of conquest is † unjust, as being gained by murderous rapine; so that, while we ground the King's title on a conquest, we make him a predonical usurper, and defraud him of his just right, founded on St. Edward's legacy, joined with this nation's admission, besides his heirship to the English blood, as I have shewn in my Plain English, page the last, and in Anti-Norman, page 19. And, as for his honour and just interest in the people's affections, they consist in his being pater patria, as himself also lately intimated; but the title of the conquest holds him in the quality not only of a foreigner, but also of the capital enemy of his subjects, and so affords their minds more provocation unto hatred and revenge, than unto affection or allegiance, as I have plainly shewn in my preface to Plain English, and in Anti-Norm, pages 20, 21; and may be discerned from those suitable fruits of it, which I shall hereafter specify. Neither do the innovations (the effects and badges of the pretended conquest) want their share in the like effect, as being a just cause of the disrelishment and contempt of our laws, (so Normanised both in matter and form) by understanding men, and no doubt the ground of that general and inbred hatred which still dwells in our common people against both our laws and lawyers. Proposition 4. That the same have been the root and cause of all the civil wars (about temporal matters) that were ever in this kingdom betwixt King The example of the extorting of Magna Charta makes nothing to the contrary, for that was done (as Daniel's history testifies) by the nobility of those times, under the notion and quality of Normans and coheirs of the conquest, which quality, I suppose, our parliament will not, if they could, assume. + Likewise by our own laws, obligations extorted by duress, as is fealty to conquest, are voldable. |