don, Leontes, Pericles, Erasinides, Aristocrates, Archestratus, Protomachus, Thrasyllus, and Aristogenes. For the three succeeding years, the twenty-fifth, twenty-sixth, and twenty-seventh of the Peloponnesian war, having quitted Athens, Alcibiades was hovering about, and making war on his own account. In the first of these years, Conon, after making incursions into the enemy's country, was defeated by Callicratides. In the second, the Athenians fought a battle, and obtained a victory at Arginusæ; on which occasion they gave a memorable instance of ingratitude and injustice. Theramenes brought a charge against the victorious generals, that they had left the bodies of the dead unburied. This would have been thought inde corous, as a matter of feeling, in modern times: but so entirely were this sensitive and superstitious people scandalised at the neglect, that they sentenced six of the ten commanders to death. Tydeus, Menander, and Adimantus, were appointed successors. Towards the latter end of the following year, the Athenians under them sailed to Ægos-Potamos, on the borders of the Hellespont, opposite to Lampsacus, where Lysander was stationed, and offered him battle every morning. The remainder of the day was passed in disorder, and careless contempt of their opponent, of which Alcibiades, though out of office, was sufficiently patriotic to warn them, but without effect. The result was, a defeat. In the twenty-eighth year, Lysander took Athens, burnt the shipping, and destroyed the Long Walls. Alcibiades had retired into Bithynia. There he lost the principal part of his property, by robbery on the part of the Thracians. Themistocles had arrived at the Persian court, just after Artaxerxes had succeeded Xerxes, and had obtained the patronage of the king. On the strength of this precedent, Alcibiades determined to solicit his protection. He felt that if trial were but made of his services, his pretensions would be much more honourable than those of Themistocles, who had sought the king's aid against his countrymen; but he meant to have exerted his influence in their behalf. But these intended efforts were prevented by his untimely death under the hands of assassins, at a village in the mountainous part of Phrygia. This savage act appears to have been devised by Lysander at the suggestion of the Spartan magistrates. Magæus and Susamithres, the brother and uncle of Lysander, were sent to negotiate with Pharnabazus, who lent himself to the treachery under the mean influence of political jealousy. The murderers were afraid to face their victim, and therefore set his house on fire. Of this he stopped the progress by throwing clothes and hangings upon it. He then sallied forth sword in hand. The barbarians dared not encounter him, but slew him from a distance with darts and arrows, and retreated. Timandra covered the body with her own robes, and buried it in a town called Melissa. Of Timandra, Plutarch says: Ταύτης λέγουσι θυγατέρα γενέσθαι Λαΐδα, τὴν Κορινθίαν μὲν προσαγορευθεῖσαν, ἐκ δὲ Ὑκκάρων Σικελικοῦ πολίσματος αἰχμάλωτον γενομένην. Timandra is the name by which this mistress of Alcibiades is generally known: but Athenæus calls her Damasandra. He had always two mistresses in his train. Athenæus gives the second the name of Theodota ; and asserts that the funeral pomp was principally furnished by her. Whichever of the two contributed the larger share, it seems to have been liberal in proportion to their means; for they erected a monument, which lasted to the time of Athenæus, who actually saw it. The Emperor Adrian perpetuated the memory of this great man, by erecting a statue of Parian marble on the basis of this monument, and ordering an annual sacrifice of a bull to his manes. ON CALLIMACHUS. CALLIMACHUS was the son of Battus. Suidas places him in the reign of Ptolemy Philadelphus, at whose court he resided about the year 280 before Christ. There is however some doubt whether the patronymic Battiades may not refer to the descent of which he boasted from King Battus, the founder of Cyrene, of which town the poet was a native. In an epitaph on his father, whoever he might be, he has paid his filial duty, and returned his early obligations, if verse can repay them. The lines are a beautiful specimen of this kind of composition. The old man addresses those who may happen to visit his tomb: Οςις ἐμον παρὰ σῆμα φέρεις πόδα, Καλλιμάχου με Εἰδείης δ' ἄμφω κεν· ὁ μέν ποτε πατρίδος ὅπλων * Suidas says he wrote eight hundred pieces : Καὶ ἐσιν αὐτῷ τὰ γεγραμμένα βιβλία ὑπὲρ τὰ ὡ. . . . . . Τῶν δὲ αὐτοῦ βιβλίων ἐπὶ καὶ ταύτα· Ἰοῦς ἄφιξις. Σεμέλη. "Αργους * Αχριβίου, the reading of the Anthologia. Dr. Blomfield introduces the more elegant reading, Μὴ λοξῷ into the text. οἰκισμοί. Αρκαδία. Γλαυκός. Ελπίδες. Σατυρικά δρόματα. Τραγῳδίαι. Κωμῳδίαι. Μέλη. Ιβις. ἔςι δὲ ποίημα ἐπιλεληδευ μένον εἰς ἀσάφειαν καὶ λοιδορίαν, εἴς τινα Ιβιν, γενόμενον ἐχθρὸν τοῦ Καλλιμάχου. He goes on to enumerate many other works, of which only a very few fragments have come down to us. Madame Dacier edited Callimachus in the year 1674. The edition ranges with the Delphin Classics, and is the only Greek work which does so. In her Dedicatory Epistle Viro illustri Petro Danieli Huetio, she says, "In Græcis Litteris nil elegantius, nil tersius, nil politius unquam fuit." The recent edition by Dr. Blomfield, the present Bishop of Chester, is now become the standard. With respect to the merits of the poet, he mentions in his preface the unfavourable opinion of Dr. Johnson and of Ernesti, against which, without giving his own, he sets those of Politian, Muretus, and Ruhnken. As the lady, whose panegyric runs so high, is not added to this triumvirate, we may suspect that His Lordship does not hold female criticism and scholarship in any great veneration, at least in the classical line. Ancient testimonies may be added to the modern. Ovid, in his Catalogue of Poets, settles his character very decisively: Battiades semper toto cantabitur orbe; Amor. lib. i. eleg. 15. To torture these words into any sense but that which they obviously bear, is both hypercritical and unnecessary: but it seems probable from another passage, that the disparagement is to be attributed |