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court, A. D. 410. By these persevering efforts the Catholics at length obtained the appointment of an Imperial Commissioner, Marcellinus, to visit Africa " with power to bring this long and pernicious controversy to a conclusion."*

In obedience to the imperial orders, the contending parties assembled at Carthage. The Donatist bishops, Fleury says, entered the city in procession, to the number of 270, drawing all eyes towards them; but the Catholics entered without pomp, in number about 286.† The imperial legate announced to the parties the rules by which the conference, or rather the trial, was to be governed. Difficulties arose at the very outset. The Donatists had had sufficient experience of High Commissions to expect no favor from such quarters. They could not but remember that the

men who had solicited this commission were their determined enemies. And, that the man who had appointed this commissioner was the same, who, but the year before, had forbidden them to assemble in public for religious worship, on pain of proscription and death. They remembered

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how their fathers were treated at the bar of Constantine and when they heard Marcellinus declare his inferiority to the bishops, in language very similar to that which Constantine had used-" that he ought to be judged himself by the bishops"-they could not well avoid intimating their lack of confidence in the pageantry before them; and their conviction that they had been summoned rather to a trial than to a conference.

The result justified the suspicions of the Donatists. They were formally condemned; a scale of fines was establish

Mosheim, Cent. V. P. II. Chap. 5.

† Tom. V. B. 22.

For the particulars, see Fleury, who devotes no inconsiderable part of his 22d Book to this important trial.

§ Fleury, Tom. V. B. 22. p. 319.

Fleury, ut supra, p. 330.

ed, graduated according to their wealth; forfeiture of goods was to follow; corporal punishment was to be inflicted on slaves and peasants; the clergy were to be banished beyond the limits of Africa; death itself was to be inflicted upon the more determined and obstinate; and all their churches were transferred to the Catholics.

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This persecution appears to have been conducted with great violence. The party in power seem to have resolved on the utter extirpation of the Donatists. Many of them preferred death even, to a union with such "sinners" and pagans," as the Catholics were considered. Multitudes fled the country. Others, driven to despair, cast themselves from precipices and perished suicides. So common was this self-immolation among the Circumcelliones, that Fleury says, it was their " common play." But men are not much given to this kind of 'play' until driven to desperation. If such was the "common play" of the Donatist party, we may easily infer what was the "common play” of the Catholics.

Augustine acted a conspicuous part in exciting and defending these persecuting movements. He maintained, that, though it was better to draw than to drive the "schismatics" into the truth, yet it was better to drive them than to have them perish in error. He justified violence by the example of Paul's conversion; who was knocked down and made blind, etc. that he might be driven from his errors. He employed the parable of the supper in Luke 14: 16— 24, to justify the Catholics in going out into "the highways and hedges" and compelling men to come in.t Gibbon tells us, Augustine insisted, that it was better for the Donatists to burn on earth than in hell.‡

* Tom. V. B. 23. p. 469. + See Fleury, ut sup. pp. 471-2. Gibbon gives a summary, but somewhat particular account of

This violent persecution continued fifteen or sixteen years,-i. e. from A. D. 411 to 427-and greatly weakened the Donatist party. Geneseric, the king of the Vandals, who invaded and conquered Africa in the year 427, showed himself the protector and friend of these persecuted dissenters.* Under his reign they revived, and flourished again; but they seem never to have recovered fully from the blow inflicted by the long and cruel persecution which they had endured.

this persecution in Vol. I. Chap. 21, and Vol. II. Chap. 33. Milner puts the conduct of Augustine towards the Donatists in the most favorable light he is able. He extenuates and apologizes as as far as his conscience would allow. He tells all the good he knew of the bishop of Hippo-and that was not a little. Yet he admits: "His conduct towards the Donatists bids the fairest for reprehension; but he acted sincerely. You differ with him in judgment, but it is impossible for you to blame his temper and spirit, if you read him candidly. He carefully checks his people for calumniating the Donatists, and is constantly employed in moderating and healing."-See Cent, V. Chaps. 6 and 10.

This is Milner's story; others represent the "saint" as the master spirit of the persecution.

Mr. Robinson is extremely violent in his denunciation of Augustine. He says: "When the Donatists reproached him with making martyrs of their bishops and elders, as Marculus, Maximian, Isaac, and others, and told him God would require an account of their blood at the day of judgment, he answered: 'I, I know nothing about your martyrs. Martyrs, martyrs to the devil! They were not martyrs; it is the cause, not the suffering that makes a martyr. There is no such thing as a martyr out of the church [i. e. the Catholic church.] Besides, it was owing to their obstinacy; they killed themselves; and now you blame the magistrate.'"History of Baptism, p. 199.

* Gibbon ascribes the success of Geneseric to the persecution, and consequent co-operation with the Vandals, of the Donatists.Vol. II. Chap. 33. Milner rejects this intimation with considera. ble warmth.-Cent. VI. Chap. 6, note.

They continued to exist, as a distinct body, amidst the various revolutions in the country, for more than a century and a half. The last notice of them is found near the close of the sixth century; when their increasing efforts to rise, and propagate their peculiar tenets were met by the vigorous opposition of Gregory the Great; which, we are led to believe, was so far successful as to drive the Donatists" into corners," if not absolutely to destroy them."

The view which has now been taken of the history of this "second class of dissenters," will justify, I think, the assertion that the cause usually assigned for the rise of the Donatists is scarcely adequate to the effects developed in their history.

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The simple question, whether Caecilian or Majorinus should be bishop of Carthage, seems insufficient to account for the immediate formation of a distinct class of religionists throughout Africa. It is true, "a little fire" will kindle a great matter;" but it requires some time for the process to be effected. Donatism seems to have sprung up almost at once, in its full proportions; and armed with principles so strong, that neither flattery nor bribery could overcome them; and which defied even the pains and penalties of confiscation of goods, corporal punishment, banishment or death itself.

The repeated condemnation of the Donatists by the Roman emperors, and their legates, and high commissioners, has been regarded as primâ facie evidence against the sect.

* See Mosheim, Cent. VI. P. II. Chap. 5. This was the same Gregory who abhorred human learning in the clergy; who defended the use of images in the churches; who flattered Phocas the usurper and murderer; who was an enthusiastic promoter of monkery, and the honor of his see.-Mosheim, Vol. I. passim, particularly p. 399, note 29. Harper's Ed. Also, Jones' Hist, of the Christian Church, Vol. 1. pp. 375—387,

But, a consideration of the fact that the very enemies of the Donatists admitted their soundness in the faith, and earnestly desired their union with the Catholic church ;* that there was a fair proportion of learned and pious men among their clergy, and of " truly humble and godly persons" among the laity ;† affords presumptive evidence that this schism had for its foundation something better than mere caprice and prejudice ;-that it must have lain upon some broad and important principle. Nothing else could have prevented its early and total overthrow.

This presumption is confirmed by Dr. Lardner's account of this sect; a summary of which is given by Mr. Jones, Hist. Chh. Vol. I. pp. 388-390: "The Donatists appear to have resembled the followers of Novatian more › than any other class of professors in that period of the church, of whom we have any authentic records. * * They agreed

*

Augustine, during the trial at Carthage, A. D. 411, declared the readiness of the African bishops to receive the Donatists to their churches, and their bishops to their Catholic sees..-See Fleury, B. 22.

† Milner, Cent. V. Chap. 6, professes his belief, that "there were many such [among the Donatists] in Africa." It is not, to be sure, very obvious how this assertion can be reconciled with another by this historian (Cent. IV. Chap. 2), where he says: "With the Donatists there does not appear to have been any degree of real spirituality." But it is not my business to reconcile Milner with himself. I marvel that some of his admirers have not attempted it.

The anxiety of the Catholics to bring the Donatists into The Church, and their readiness to admit the "schismatic" bishops to catholic seats, is sufficient evidence of the correctness of Mosheim's assertion: "That the Donatists were sound in doctrine, their adversaries admit; nor were their lives censurable, if we except the enormities of the Circumcelliones, which were detested by the greatest part of the Donatists."-Cent. IV. P. II. Chap. 8.

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