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robbery on the part of the Thracians. Themistocles had arrived at the Persian court, just after Artaxerxes had succeeded Xerxes, and had obtained the patronage of the king. On the strength of this precedent, Alcibiades determined to solicit his protection. He felt that if trial were but made of his services, his pretensions would be much more honourable than those of Themistocles, who had sought the king's aid against his countrymen; but he meant to have exerted his influence in their behalf. But these intended efforts were prevented by his untimely death under the hands of assassins, at a village in the mountainous part of Phrygia. This savage act appears to have been devised by Lysander at the suggestion of the Spartan magistrates. Magæus and Susamithres, the brother and uncle of Lysander, were sent to negotiate with Pharnabazus, who lent himself to the treachery under the mean influence of political jealousy. The murderers were afraid to face their victim, and therefore set his house on fire. Of this he stopped the progress by throwing clothes and hangings upon it. He then sallied forth sword in hand. The barbarians dared not encounter him, but slew him from a distance with darts and arrows, and retreated. mandra covered the body with her own robes, and buried it in a town called Melissa. Of Timandra, Plutarch says: Ταύτης λέγουσι θυγατέρα γενέσθαι Λαΐδα, τὴν Κορινθίαν μὲν προσαγορευθεῖσαν, ἐκ δὲ Υκκάρων Σικελικοῦ πολίσματος αἰχμάλωτον γενομένην. Timandra is the name by which this mistress of Alcibiades is generally known but Athenæus calls her Damasandra. He had always two mistresses in his train. Athenæus gives the second the name of Theodota;

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and asserts that the funeral pomp was principally furnished by her. Whichever of the two contributed the larger share, it seems to have been liberal in proportion to their means; for they erected a monument, which lasted to the time of

Athenæus, who actually saw it. The Emperor Adrian perpetuated the memory of this great man, by erecting a statue of Parian marble on the basis of this monument, and ordering an annual sacrifice of a bull to his manes.

ON CALLIMACHUS.

CALLIMACHUS was the son of Battus.

Suidas places him in the reign of Ptolemy Philadelphus, at whose court he resided about the year 280 before Christ. There is however some doubt whether the patronymic Battiades may not refer to the descent of which he boasted from King Battus, the founder of Cyrene, of which town the poet was a native.

In an epitaph on his father, whoever he might be, he has paid his filial duty, and returned his early obligations, if verse can repay them. The lines are a beautiful specimen of this kind of composition. The old man addresses those who may happen to visit his tomb:

Οςις ἐμον παρὰ σῆμα φέρεις πόδα, Καλλιμάχου με
Ισθι Κυρηναίου παιδά τε καὶ γενεῖὴν.

Εἰδείης δ' ἄμφω κεν· ὁ μέν ποτε πατρίδος ὅπλων
Ήρξεν, ὁ δ ̓ ἤεισεν κρείσσονα βασκανίης.
Οὐ νέμεσις· Μοῦσαι γὰρ ὅσους ἴδον ὄμματι παῖδας,
*Αχρι βίου πολιοὺς οὐκ ἀπέθεντο φίλους.

Suidas says he wrote eight hundred pieces :Καὶ ἐςιν αὐτῷ τὰ γεγραμμένα βιβλία ὑπὲρ τὰ . . . . . Τῶν δὲ ὡ. αὐτοῦ βιβλίων ἐςὶ καὶ ταύτα· Ιοὺς ἄφιξις. Σεμέλη. Αργους

• 'Αχριδίου, the reading of the Anthologia. Dr. Blomfield introduces the more elegant reading, Μὴ λοξῷ into the text.

οἰκισμοί. Αρκαδία. Γλαυκός. Ελπίδες. Σατυρικὰ δρόμαλα. Τραγωδίαι. Κωμωδίαι. Μέλη. Ιβις. ἔςι δὲ ποίημα ἐπιλεληδευ μένον εἰς ἀσάφειαν καὶ λοιδορίαν, εἴς τινα Ιβιν, γενόμενον ἐχθρὸν τοῦ Καλλιμάχου. He goes on to enumerate many other works, of which only a very few fragments have come down to us.

Madame Dacier edited Callimachus in the year 1674. The edition ranges with the Delphin Classics, and is the only Greek work which does So. In her Dedicatory Epistle Viro illustri Petro Danieli Huetio, she says, "In Græcis Litteris nil elegantius, nil tersius, nil politius unquam fuit."

The recent edition by Dr. Blomfield, the present Bishop of Chester, is now become the standard. With respect to the merits of the poet, he mentions in his preface the unfavourable opinion of Dr. Johnson and of Ernesti, against which, without giving his own, he sets those of Politian, Muretus, and Ruhnken. As the lady, whose panegyric runs so high, is not added to this triumvirate, we may suspect that His Lordship does not hold female criticism and scholarship in any great veneration, at least in the classical line. Ancient testimonies may be added to the modern. Ovid, in his Catalogue of Poets, settles his character very decisively:

Battiades semper toto cantabitur orbe;
Quamvis ingenio non valet, arte valet.

Amor. lib. i. eleg. 15.

To torture these words into any sense but that which they obviously bear, is both hypercritical and unnecessary: but it seems probable from another passage, that the disparagement is to be attributed

rather to poetical jealousy and the spirit of rival

ship, than to cool and unbiassed judgment : →

Est, quæ Callimachi præ nostris rustica dicat
Carmina: cui placeo, protinus ipsa placet.
Lib. ii. eleg. 4.

It should seem from this that it was the height of his ambition to be considered as superior to Callimachus; and that he should at once fall in love with a mistress, who would but pay him that compliment.

The ancient testimonials to Callimachus have been peculiarly liable to question and equivocation. Propertius, in the thirty-fourth elegy of his second book, has this couplet:

Tu satius Musis meliorem imitere Philetam,

Et non inflati somnia Callimachi.

Here the word non, may be construed two ways. The most natural interpretation seems to be, to take it with the participle inflati, and then it is perfectly consistent with another couplet :

Inter Callimachi sat erit placuisse libellos,
Et cecinisse modis, Dore poeta, tuis.

Lib. iii. eleg. 9.

But Scaliger attaches non to a second imitere, and thus converts the praise into a censure. Now this seems the more improbable from another passage, which runs thus:

Ennius hirsuta cingat sua dicta corona:
Mi folia ex hedera porrige, Bacche, tua,
Ut nostris tumefacta superbiat Umbria libris,
Umbria Romani patria Callimachi.

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