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forts, and faithful servants were seized on; the orders of state and the worship of God were affronted by a barbarous multitude, that, with sticks, stools, and such other instruments of fury as were present, disturbed all religious and civil conventions; and the King's agents, Hamilton, Traquair and Roxborough, (pleased, no doubt, with the commotions they at first raised, and by new, though secret, seed of discontents improved,) increased the tumults by a faint opposition, which they might have allayed by vigorous punishments,-all the declarations that were drawn in the King's name being contrived so as to overthrow his affairs;-in a word, when he saw that the traitors were got into the King's bed-chamber, cabinets, pockets and bosom,*and,
to discover some principle which might sauction their adherence to the usurped government, are thus summarily stated by Falkner, in his Christian Loyalty;
"In our late dreadful times of civil war, the whole management of things against the King, and the undertaking to alter and order public affairs without him, was a manifest and practical disowning the King's supremacy. Some persons then who would be thought men of sense, did assert, that though the King was owned to be SUPREME governour, yet the SUPREMEST Sovereign power was in the people.' Others declared, that the title of SUPREME GOVERNOUR was an honorary title given to the King, 'to please him instead of fuller power.' And in the issue, by a pretended act, it was called treason, to say, that the Commons, assembled in Parliament, were not the supreme authority of the nation. But there were also some who then affirmed, the whole body of the people to be superior to the Parliament, and that they might call them to an account."
"By which the King was so observed and betrayed withal, that as far as they could find his meaning by words, by sigus and circumstances, or the silent language of a shrug, it was posted presently into Scotland, some of his bed-chamber being grown so bold and saucy, that they used to ransack his pockets when he was in bed, to transcribe such letters as they found, and send the copies to their countrymen in the way of intelligence. A thing so well known about the court, that the Archbishop of Canterbury in one of his letters, gave him this memento, that he should not trust his pockets with it.” HEYLIN'S Life of Laud.
"And here I might justly enough take occasion to lament the fate as well as admire the glory of puissant and great princes, whom a Symnel or Jack Straw, a Prefacer or dawbing historian may expose to infinite hazards and disturbances. Though they govern their people with the mildness and clemency of guardian angels, yet they must not partake of their divine tranquillity; their character is not always their security, nor their bravery their protection. For, suppose them adorned with all royal qualifications, with the laws of generosity, punctilios of true honour, and all the niceties of justice: grant that they ascend the royal throne with the gladsome shouts and acclamations of the people, and gain a diadem by inheritance or desert. Yet they can only hold intelligence with the faces of men, but cannot spell out intrigues, and converse with inclinations. Due allegiance and honour is all the tribute that subjects can defray, or they themselves can exact; and how shall they know but the most seemingly regular and plausible forms of speech may be nothing but a neat well-acted hypocrisy and a mere studied disguise? Unnecessary offers and over-hasty officiousness smell strong of interest and dark design; how then can they tell, whether the most grave and submissive application be the free result of a good intention, or mere solemn flattery and artificial address? Nay, how can they be assured, but their greatest enemies may be those of their own household? Whether they that are adopted into the secrecy of their bosoms, that depend on their smiles, and sport themselves for a while in their warm beams, will help to guard the throne, or to shake it?" Commonwealth's Man Unmasked.
by false representation of things, had got time to consolidate their conspiracy, and that the King's concessions to their bold petition (about the liturgy, the high-commission, the book of Canons, and the five articles of Perth,) were but encouragements to put up bolder ;-finding that force could obtain that which modesty and submission had never compassed, and imputing all kindness to the King's weakness rather than goodness;his apprehensions in that affair were at Council-board, (Dec. 5, 1689,) against the King's indulgence to them: He voted, that they were to be reduced by force, (being a people, as his Majes'ty observed of them, lost by favours and won by punishments,) in offensive war that would put a period to all the troubles in 'five months, whereas a defensive war will linger many years.'Neither was he less careful of the church's doctrine than discipline, forbidding the Primate's [Archbishop Usher] obtruding the Calvinists' school-points for Articles of faith; and, instead of the polemic Articles of the Church of Ireland, to receive the positive, plain and orthodox Articles of the Church of England; neither admitting high questions nor countenancing the men that promoted them, aiming at a religion that should make men serious rather than curious, honest rather than subtile ; and that men lived high, but did not talk so : Equally disliking THE TRENT FAITH, consisting of canons, councils, fathers, &c. that. would become a library rather than a catechism, and THE SCOTS CONFESSIONS, Consisting of such school-niceties as would fill a man's large table-book and common-place, rather than his heart. Julius Cæsar said, other men's wives should not be loose, but his should not be suspected. And this great Lord advised the pri mate of Ireland, that as no clergyman should be in reality guilty of compliance with a schism, so should not he in ap'pearance,' adding, (when the Primate urged the dangers on all sides,) as Cæsar once said, You are too old to fear, and I too sickly'-A true saying, since, upon the opening of his body, it was found that he could not have lived, according to the course of nature, six months longer than he did by the malice of his enemies, his own diseases having determined his life about the same period that the nation's distemper did. Philip the First of Spain said, he could not compass his design as long as Lerma lived; nor the Scots theirs, as long as Strafford acts and with his own single worth bears up against the plot of three kingdoms, like Sceva, in the breach, with his single resolution duelling the whole conspiracy."
The historian then gives an account of the conduct of King Charles under his accumulated sufferings: "How tender his conscience! that was resolved to do public penance, for consenting to the Earl of Strafford's death, (a deep sense of which action went with him to his grave,) and to the injuries done the church in England and Scotland. How careful his heart! in that, when
the commissioners at the Isle of Wight urged him to allow the lesser catechism of the Assembly, that being (they said) but a small matter,' he said, Though it seem to you a small matter, yet I had rather part with the choicest flower in my crown, than permit your children to be corrupted in the least point of their religion.That prince who, besides the great examples he gave them, began his reign with the highest act of grace that he could, or any king did in the world; I mean the granting of the petition of right, wherein he secured his people's estates from taxes that are not given in Parliament, and their lives, liberties and estates, from allproceedings not agreeable to law :* A king_that permitted his chief favourite and counsellor, the Duke of Buckingham, whose greatest fault was his Majesty's favour, to satisfy the kingdom, both in Parliament and Star-chamber, in the way of a public process: And gave up Mainwaring and Sibthorpe, both (as I take it) his chaplains, to answer for themselves in Parliament, saying, He that will preach more than he can prove, let him 'suffer' That a king that was and did so, as he was and did, should be first suspected and then opposed, should be rendered ridiculous abroad and odious at home, should easier persuade his foreign enemies to a peace, than his own subjects to contribute to a war, and that of their own advising and persuading: That the Scots should fight and he not dare to call them rebels; and
"The King at all times when there is no Parliament, and in Parliament, is assisted with the advice of the judges of the law, 12 in number; for England at least hath two sergeants when fewest, an attorney and solicitor, twelve masters of the chancery; his council of state consisting of some great prelates, and other great personages, versed in state affairs, when they are fewest, to the number of twelve. All these persons are always of great substance, which is not preserved but by the keeping of the law; the prelates versed in divine law, the other grandees in affairs of state and managery of government; the judges, king's sergeants, attorney, solicitor, and masters of the chancery, versed in law and customs of the realm; all sworn to serve the King and his people justly and truly. The King is also sworn to observe the laws; and the judges have in their oath a clause, that they 'shall do common right to the King's people, according to the established laws, notwithstanding any command of the King to the contrary under the great seal, or otherwise.' The people are safe by the laws in force, without any new. The law finding the Kings of this realm assisted with so many great men of conscience, honour, and skill in the rule of commonwealth, knowledge of the laws, and bound by the high and holy bond of an oath upon the evangelists, settles among other powers upon the King, a power to refuse any bill agreed upon by both Houses, and power to pardon all offences, to pass any grants in his minority, not to be bound to any law to his prejudice whereby he doth not bind himself, power of war and peace, coining of money, making all officers, &c. The law, for the reasons aforesaid, hath approved these powers to be unquestionable in the King, and all Kings have enjoyed them till the third of Nov. 1640.
It will be said, Notwithstanding all this fence about the laws, the laws 'have been violated, and therefore the said powers must not hold: the two 'Houses will remedy this.' The answer to this is evident: There is no time past, nor time present, nor will there be time to come, so long as MEN manage the law, but the laws will be broken more or less, as appears by the story of every age. All the pretended violations of this time were remedied by acts to which the King consented before his departure, 10 Jan. 1641. JENKINS's Law of the Land.
his faithful counsellors should assist him, and he not dare to own them as friends: That such a king should be abused to Parliaments by his servants, and to his people by Parliaments; should be first intreated out of his magazines, castles and whole militia, and then fought against with them ;* should be forced out of one town and shut out of another: That such a prince should see his whole court voted and dealt with as traitors; his estate sequestered for delinquency; his clergy and church (which he was by oath obliged to defend and maintain in its due rights) ruined for keeping the fifth commandment, and [the doctrine contained in Rom. xiii; his churches turned to stables; his loyal subjects murthered, plundered, banished, and he not able to help them, his laws and edicts overruled by I-know-not-what orders and ordinances; his seals and great offices of state counterfeited; all the costly ornaments of religion ruined and defaced; learning, that was his honour and his care, trampled on by its and his old enemies, the ignorant.t-These are things that the world could
*For the considerations aforesaid the King's party adhered to him The law of the land is their birth-right, their guide; no offence is committed where that is not violated. They found the commission of array warranted by the law; they found the King in this Parliament to have quitted the ship-money, knighthood-money, seven courts of justice, consented to a triennial Parliament, settled the forest bounds, took away the clerk of the market of the household, trusted the house with the navy, passed an act not to dissolve this Parliament without the Houses' assent. No people in the world so free, if they could have been content with LAWS, OATHS, and REASONS; and nothing more could or can be devised to secure us, neither hath been in any time. Notwithstanding all this, we found the King driven from London by frequent tumults, that two thirds and more of the Lords had deserted that House for the same cause, and the greater part of the House of Commons left that House also for the same reason; new men chosen in their places against law by the pretended warrant of a counterfeit seal, and in the King's name against his consent, levying war against him, and seizing his ports, forts, magazines and revenue, and converting them to bis destruction, and the subversion of the law and land, laying taxes on the people, never heard of before in this land, devised new oaths to oppose forces raised by the King, nor to adhere to him but to them in this war; which they call the negative oath, and the vow and covenant.
"By several ways never used in this kingdom, they have raised monies to foment this war, and especially to enrich some among them: namely, first, excise; secondly, contributions, thirdly, sequestrations; fourthly, fifth parts; fifthly, twentieth parts; sixthly, meal-money; seventhly, sale of plundered goods; eighthly, loans; ninthly, benevolences; tenthly, collections upon their fast-days; eleventhly, new impositions upon merchandizes; twelfthly, guard, maintained upon the charge of private men; thirteenthly, fifty subsidies at one time; fourteenthly, compositions with such as they call delinquents; fifteenthly, sale of Bishops' lands, &c.
"From the King's party means of subsistence are taken; before any indictment, their lands are seized, their goods taken the law allows a traitor or felon attainted necessaria sibi et familiæ suæ in victu et vestitu: where is the covenant? where is the petition of right? where is the liberty of the subject?" Ibid.
"Another way to advance the darling anti-monarchical design is, by bringing the public schools and universities into disgrace: These are the dangerous strong-holds of Antichrist, where principles of loyalty and passive doctrines are sucked in with greediness:' and therefore it is held convenient to throw
never believe till it felt them, and will not believe when the impressions of them are worn off. This wise and good King, the same in all fortunes, was he that must pardon his enemies, some dust in these eyes of the nation, that the free-born projectors may more commodiously come at the head. And this was the great pride and luxury of the brotherhood in the former days of tyranny and civil combustion; when the sweating teachers, after a few winks and groans, began to thunder against a vain philosophy, and wet their handkerchiefs in running down the neces sity of human learning. This was not only inculcated from the tub, but from the press also in solemu formidable manner; as may be seen in the authors of Light out of Darkness and The White Stone. But here we find the republican doctors differed among themselves: For some were not absolutely for pulling down but only regulating the constitution of our academies, and proposing expedients for reforming of schools and promoting of all kinds of science. Thus speaks the author of Academiarum Examen, dedicated to Major general Lambert: 'Seeing Divine Providence hath made you (with the rest of those faithful and gallant men of the army) signally instrumental, 'both in redeeming the English liberty, almost drowned in the deluge of tyranny and self-interest, &c. I hope the same providence will also direct you to be assistant to continue the same, &c. And moreover, guide you to 'set your hand and endeavour for the purging and reformation of academies and the advancement of learning which hitherto hath been little promoted or looked into.'
"The author of the Examen did not merely find fault, censure and talk magisterially; but, with a seeming modesty (a quality unknown to our new regulator,) he confesses it is far more easy to demolish, than to erect a complete structure; especially for a single person of a mean talent: And after he had offered some plausible expedients for a rectification of Logic, Metaphysics, Grammar, Mathematics and natural Philosophy; he owns himself obnoxious to many errors; and hopes that better and more able pens will help to supply his defects.-With his new models, foreign experiments and ideals of government, and other chimerical bawbles, what a woful and sorry wight must he appear amongst a learned and venerable assembly? Nay, how would each junior sophister (lately dismist from school) give him cause to sneak, beg pardon, and repent, in the strength of Hesiod and Homer? The former of these (as Borrichius notes) has written with so much wisdom and acumen, that he may, even now, be read with singular advantage by those that apply themselves to politics and moral philosophy. The latter (as Rapin thinks) had the vastest, sublimest, and most universal genius that ever was: it was by his poems that all the worthies of antiquity were formed: From hence the lawgivers took the first plat-form of the laws they gave to mankind: The founders of monarchies and common-wealths from hence took the models of their polities: Hence the philosophers found the first principles of morality, which they have taught the people: Hence Kings and Princes have learnt the art to govern, and captains to form a battle, to encamp an army, to besiege towns, to fight and to gain victories, &c.
"The compilers of those statutes, which he ignorantly explodes, knew very well what they did; and though they had a different taste or notion of learning from what he entertains, yet it follows not, but they may have been in the right. As they could not then understand (as he over-wisely ntimates) the present state of learning in the world; so they never designed, that Students should be limited and tied all their lives to a particular system, when the empire of knowledge or philosophy should be enlarged. I know no greater assertors of philosophical liberty, than the gentlemen that have had their education in our universities: And if some are particularly (tho' not exclusively) directed to study Aristotle and his works, it is no more than what is proper, just, nay necessary, upon the account of extrinsical motives and inducements. For the Peripatetic terms, and modes of expression, are now interwoven throughout a great part of the RomanCatholic Theology, which is better defended by arguments drawn from a metaphysical system, than by reasons, texts, and deductions from holy writ; and if we cannot confront our enemies with their own weapons, and