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many passages in the Liturgy should be expunged, and others altered to the worse. That decency and reverence in officiating God's public service, should be brought within the compass of innovations. That doctrinal Calvinism should be entertained in all parts of the church; and all their Sabbath-speculations, though contrary to Calvin's Judgment, superadded to it. But before any thing could be concluded in those weighty matters, the Commons set their bill on foot against root and branch, for putting down all Bishops and Cathedral Churches; which put a period to that meeting without doing any thing."*

Dr. Heylin then gives a succinct relation of the subsequent changes in Church and State, the general truth and accuracy of which are corroborated by the statements of some of the Puritans themselves. Speaking of the Liturgy, he says, It was "not like to stand, when both the Scots and English Presbyterians did conspire against it. The fame whereof had either caused it totally to be laid aside, or performed by halfs in all the counties where the Scots were of strength and power; and not much better executed in some Churches of London, wherein that faction did as much predominate, as if it had been under the protection of a Scottish Army. But the first great interruption which was made at the officiating of the public Liturgy, was made upon a day of Humiliation, when all the Members of the House of Commons

have painful and ocular demonstration, that religious liberty, even when it had degenerated into licentiousness, was too confined, and did not satisfy many of the fanatics of that age. Evelyn says, in his Diary, "Aug. 21, 1655, In discourse with the Archbishop of Armagh, the learned James Usher, he told me, that the church would be destroyed by sectaries, who would in all likelihood bring in Popery. In conclusion, he recommended to me the study of philology above all human studies."

At the close of the note, page 327, Walton praises God for having prevented him "from being of that party which helped to bring in this covenant and those sad confusions that have followed it."-He then adds: "I have been the bolder to say this of myself, because in a sad discourse with Dr. Sanderson, I heard him make the like grateful acknowledgment. The Covenanters of this nation, and their party in parliament, made many exceptions against the Common Prayer and ceremonies of the Church, and seemed restless for another reformation. And though their desires seemed not reasonable to the King and the learned Dr. Laud, then Archbishop of Canterbury, and many others; yet to quiet their consciences, and prevent future confusion, they did, in the year 1641, desire Dr. Sanderson to call two more of the convocation to advise with him, and that he would then draw up some such safe alterations as he thought fit in the service-book, and abate some of the ceremonies that were least material, for satisfying their consciences; and to this end he and two others did meat together privately twice a week at the Dean of Westminster's house, for the space of five months or more. But not long after that time, when Dr. Sanderson had made the reformation ready for a view, the church and state were both fallen into such a confusion, that Dr. Sanderson's model for reformation became then useless. Nevertheless the repute of his moderation and wisdom was such, that he was, in the year 1642, proposed by both houses of parliament to the king then in Oxford, to be one of their trustees for the settling of church affairs, and was allowed of by the King to be so; but that treaty came to nothing." WALTON's Life of Bishop Sanderson.

were assembled together at St. Margaret's in Westminster. At what time, as the Priest began the second service at the Holy Table, some of the Puritans or Presbyterians began a Psalm; and were therein followed by the rest in so loud a tune, that the minister was thereby forced to desist from his duty, and leave the preacher to perform the rest of that day's solemnity. This gave encouragement enough to the rest of that party to set as little by the Liturgy in the country, as they did in the city;* especially in all such usages and rights thereof, as they were pleased to bring within the compass of innovations.

"In which conjuncture happened the impeachment and imprisonment of eleven of the Bishops: Which made that bench so thin, and the King so weak, that on the 6th of February the Lords consented to the taking away of their votes in Parliament. The news whereof was solemnized in most places of London with bells and bonfires. Nothing remained, but that the King should pass it into act by his royal assent; by some unhappy instrument extorted from him when he was at Canterbury; and signified by his message to the Houses on the fourteenth of that month. Which condescension wrought so much unquietness to his mind and conscience, and so much unsecureness to his person, for the rest of his life, that he could scarce truly boast of one day's felicity, till God was pleased to put a final period to his griefs and sorrows. For in relation to the last, we find that the next vote which passed in Parliament, deprived him of his negative voice, and put the whole militia of the kingdom into the hands of the Houses. Which was the first beginning of his following miseries. And looking on him

*And yet this excellent book hath had the fate to be cut in pieces with a pen-knife, and thrown into the fire; but it is not consumed. At first it was sown in tears, and it is now watered with tears; yet never was any holy thing drowned and extinguished with tears. It began with the martyrdom of the compilers; and the Church hath been vexed ever since by angry spirits, and she was forced to defend it with much trouble and unquietness. But it is to be hoped, that all these storms are sent but to increase the zeal and confidence of the pious sons of the Church of England. Indeed the greatest danger that ever the Common Prayer Book had, was the indifferency and indevotion of them that used it but as a common blessing: and they who thought it fit for the meanest of the clergy to read prayers, and for themselves only to preach, though they might innocently intend it, yet did not in that action consult the honour of our Liturgy, except where charity or necessity did interpose. But when excellent things go away, and then look back upon us, as our blessed Saviour did ipon St. Peter, we are more moved than by the nearer embraces of a ful. and actual possession. I pray God it may prove so in our case, and that we may not be too willing to be discouraged; at least that we may not cease to love and to desire what is not publicly permitted to our practice and profession." BISHOP TAYLOR's Preface to his Apology for authorized and set Forms of Liturgy.

"They who loved the Church, and were afraid of so great an alteration in the frame and constitution of Parliament, as the utter taking away of one of the three estates of which the Parliament is compounded, were infinitely provoked, and lamented the passing that act as an introduction to the entire destruction of the government of the Church and to the alteration of the religion of the kingdom: And very many, who more considered the policy

in the first, he will not spare to let us know in one of his prayers, that the injury which he had to the Bishops of England, did as much grate upon his conscience, as either the permitting of a wrong way of worship to be set up in Scotland, or suffering innocent blood to be shed under colour of justice.+


By the terror of that army, some of the prevailing-members in the House of Commons, forced the King to pass the bill for triennial Parliaments, and to perpetuate the present session at the will of the Houses; to give consent for murthering the Earl of Strafford with the sword of justice; and suffering the Arch-bishop of Canterbury to be banished from him; to fling away the Star-Chamber, and the High-Commission, and the co-ercive power of Bishops; to part with all his right to tonnage and poundage, to ship-money, and the Act for knighthood;

than the justice and piety of the State, did ever after believe, that, being removed out of the Parliament, the preserving them [the Bishops] in the kingdom was not worth any notable contention. Then they looked upon the king's condescension in this particular, in a subject that all men knew had a wonderful influence upon his conscience, as a manifestation that he would not be constant in retaining, and denying any thing that should be impetuously and fiercely demanded; which as it exceedingly confirmed those who were engaged in that party, so it abated the courage of too many who had always opposed them and heartily detested their proceedings, and made them more remiss in their attendance at the House, and less solicitous for any thing that was done there: who by degrees first became a neutral party, believing they should be safe in angering no body; and when they afterwards fouud no security in that indifferency, they adhered to those who they saw had the best success; and so went sharers with them, in their future attempts, according to their several tempers and inclinations."

Lord CLARENDON has here tendered a strong reason why the unfortunate monarch was "deserted at his utmost need" by many of his well-wishers, who were not afraid of avowing their persuasion, that he inherited too much of the wayward instability of his royal parent's disposition, which had very improperly been designated by himself and his courtiers, "tokens of com plete king-craft."

"It was contrived to draw petitions accusatory from many parts of the kingdom against episcopal government, and the promoters of the petitions were entertained with great respects; whereas the many petitions of the opposite part, though subscribed with many thousand hands, were slighted and disregarded. Withal, the rabble of London, after their petitions cunningly and upon other pretences procured, were stirred up to come to the Houses personally to crave justice both against the Earl of Strafford first, and then against the Archbishop of Canterbury, and lastly against the whole order of Bishops; which, coming at first unarmed, were checked by some well-willers and easily persuaded to gird on their rusty swords; and, so accoutred, came by thousands to the houses, filling all the outer rooms, offering foul abuses to the Bishops as they passed, crying out NO BISHOPS, NO BISHOPS! and at last, after divers days assembling, grown to that height of fury, that many of them came with resolution of some violent courses, in so much that many swords were drawn hereupon at Westminster, and the rout did not stick openly to profess that they would pull the Bishops in pieces. Hereupon the House of Lords was moved for some order for the preventing their mutinous and riotous meetings. Messages were sent down to the House of Commons to this purpose more than once. Nothing was effected; but for the present (for so much as all the danger was at the rising of the house) it was earnestly desired of the Lords that some care might be taken of our safety. The motion was received by some Lords with a smile. Some other Lords, as the Earl of Manchester, undertook

and by retrenching the perambulation of his forests and chases, to leave his game to the destruction of each boor or peasant. And by the terror of this army, they took upon them an authority of voting down the Church's power in making of canons, condemning all the members of the late Convocation, calumniating many of the Bishops and Clergy, in most odious manner, and vexing some of them to the grave. And they would have done the like to the Church itself, in pulling down the Bishops and Cathedral Churches, and taking to themselves all their lands and houses, if by the constancy and courage of the HOUSE OF PEERS, they had not failed of their design. But at the last, the


the protection of the Archbishop of York and his company, (whose shelter I went under,) to their lodgings; the rest, some of them by their long stay, others by secret and far-fetched passages escaped home.

"On January 30, in all the extremity of frost, at eight o'clock in the dark evening, are we voted to the Tower, only two of our number had the favour of the black rod by reason of their age, which, though desired by a noble Lord on my behalf, would not be yielded. The news of this our crime and imprisonment soon flew over the city, and was entertained by our wellwillers with ringing of bells and bonfires; who now gave us up (not without great triumph) for lost men, railing on our perfidiousness, and adjudging us to what foul deaths they pleased. And what scurrile and malicious pamphlets were scattered abroad, throughout the kingdom, and in foreign parts, blazoning our infamy, and exaggerating our treasonable practices! what insultations of our adversaries was here! Being caged sure enough in the Tower, the faction had now fair opportunities to work their own designs. They therefore, taking the advantage of our restraint, renew that bill of theirs, (which had been twice before rejected since the beginning of this session,) for taking away the votes of Bishops in parliament, and in a very thin house casily passed it: which once condescended unto, I know not by what strong importunity, his majesty's assent was drawn from him thereunto." Bishop HALL'S Hard Measure.

*This is another proof of the salutary influence of this necessary branch of the legislature, which, even in those days of ill-defined rights, operated as a check both on the regal and popular incroachments that were then in contemplation. No one therefore will be surprised at the subsequent dissolution of the HOUSE OF PEERS, which would have been a troublesome appendage to a REPUBLIC, in the fair management of which all men were supposed to have a share.

In Lord Clarendon's Life, it is said: "When Mr. Hyde sat in the chair, in the grand committee of the House for the extirpation of Episcopacy, all that party [the Republicans] made great court to him; and the House keeping those disorderly hours, and seldom rising till after four of the clock in the afternoon, they frequently importuned him to dine with them, at Mr. Pym's lodging, which was at Sir Richard Manly's house, in a little court behind Westminster Hall; where he, and Mr. Hambden, Sir Arthur. Haslerig, and two or three more, upon a stock kept a table, where they transacted much business; and invited thither those of whose conversion they had any hope. One day after dinner, Nathaniel Fiennes, who that day likewise dined there, asked Mr. Hyde whether he would ride into the fields and take a little air, it being a fine evening; which the other consenting to, they sent for their horses, and, riding together in the fields between Westminster and Chelsea, Mr. Fiennes asked him, what it was that inclined 'him to adhere so passionately to the Church, which could not possibly be supported.'-He answered, that he could have no other obligation than that of his own conscience and his reason, that could move with him; for he had no relation or dependence upon any churchmen, that could dispose him to it; that he could not conceive how religion could be preserved 'without Bishops, nor how the Government of the State could well subsist if

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King prevailed so far with the Scots Commissioners, that they were willing to retire and withdraw their forces, upon his promise to confirm the Acts of the assembly at Glasgow, and reach out such a hand of favour unto all that nation, as might estate them in a happiness above their hopes. On this assurance they march homewards, and he followeth after: Where he consents to the abolishing of Bishops, and alienating all their lands by Act of Parliament; suppresseth, by like Acts, the Liturgy, and and the Book of Canons, and the five Articles of Perth; rewards the chief actors in the late rebellion, with titles, offices, and honours; and parts with so much of his royal prerogative to content the subjects, that he left himself nothing of a King, but the empty name. And, to sum up the whole in brief, in one hour he unravelled all that excellent web, the weaving whereof had took up more than forty years; and cost his father and him self so much pains and treasure.

"His majesty was informed at his being in Scotland, that the Scots had neither taken up arms, nor invaded England, but that they were encouraged to it by some members of the Houses of Parliament, on a design to change the Government both of Church and State. In which he was confirmed by the Remonstrance of the state of the kingdom, presented to him by the Commons at his first coming back; the forcible attempt for breaking into the Abbey of Westminster; the concourse of seditious people to the doors of the Parliament, crying out, that they would have no Bishops nor Popish Lords; and their tumultuating in a fearful manner, even at White-Hall Gates, where they cried out with far more horror to the hearers, that

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the government of the Church were altered; and asked him what Government they meant to introduce in its place.'-To which he answered, that there would be time enough to think of that; but assured him, and wished him to remember what he said, that if the king resolved to defend the Bishops, it would cost the kingdom much blood! and would be the 'occasion of as sharp a war as had ever been in England: for that there was a great number of good men, who resolved to lose their lives before they would ever submit to that Government.' Which was the first positive declaration he had ever heard from any particular man of that party; very few of them having at that time that resolution, much less avowing it; and if they had, the kingdom was in no degree at that time infected with that poison, how much soever it was spread afterwards."


In a subsequent passage he states the substance of a conversation between him and the noted Harry Martin, the latter of whom "very frankly answered, that he thought the men KNAVES who governed the House [of "Commons], and that when they had done as much as they intended to do, they should be used as they had used others.-The other pressed him then to say what he desired; to which, after a little pause, he very roundly answered, I do not think one man wise enough to govern us all which was the first word he [Clarendon] had ever heard any man speak to that purpose; and would without doubt, if it had been then communicated or attempted, been the most abhorred by the whole nation of any design that could be mentioned; and yet it appears it had even so early entered into the hearts of some desperate persons: that gentleman being at that time possessed of a very great fortune, and having great credit in his country."

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