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angstoll Was very sman in numbers, the opposition party having an averag majority of about 300. Mr. Morris was nominated for the office of Justic of the Peace, and had for his opponent a gentleman of the dominant part

POLITICAL PORTRAITS WITH PEN AND PENCIL.

ROBERT H. MORRIS.

WHEN the chivalrous Decatur had maintained the "stars and stripes" in triumph against the enemies of his country, humbled the "mistress of the ocean," and came into port with the national emblem flying above the flag that" for a thousand years had braved the battle and the breeze," he modestly disclaimed particular merit, but gave "opportunity" as a sentiment, at the festive meeting his fellow citizens had prepared in honor of his victories. When the gallant May, charging like a whirlwind at the head of his resistless squadron, carried the enemy's guns and captured a General, received the applause of his countrymen, he replied " opportunity." It is not alone amid charging squadrons in the field of blood that the rights of the people are to be maintained. The enemies of democracy are incessant in their encroachments upon popular rights, and persevering in their attempts to thwart the will of the people. When schemes are matured for these purposes, and the purity of the ballot-box endangered, the man who throws himself into the breach, defeats the plot, and exposes the contemplated frauds at the hazard of encountering the concentrated malevolence of a wealthy and numerous party, deserves well of his country, and his fellow citizens never fail to acknowledge the "opportunity." Such an one is the subject of this memoir, and he has received ample testimony that the people of the city of New-York appreciate the boldness, energy, and firmness which preserved the elective franchise from the deep laid frauds of 1840.

Robert H. Morris was born in the city of New-York, and soon after that event his father, Robert Morris, removed in 1815 to Claverack, Columbia County, New-York, about two miles from the city of Hudson, where the subject of this sketch received his education, at the "academy on the hill." His inclination leading him to the law as a profession, he studied with the Hon. J. D. Monell, and subsequently with the Hon. J. W. Edmonds.

By close application to his studies he attained such proficiency, as enti tled him to the highest praises of his examiners in the law, and he was ad mitted to the bar before he had attained the age of 21 years. He com menced the practice of his profession in the small village of Johnstown in the town of Livingston, Columbia County. The active mind of Mr Morris induced him while yet in his clerkship to enter into the politica contests, for which the county of Columbia has always been noted. H was early an ardent, and has ever continued an uniform supporter of Demo cratic principles, and of those who maintained them. His Democracy con sists in a thorough respect for, and appreciation of, the rights and feelings o individuals and his principles of government are, as gathered from hi career, education of the masses, protection of individual rights, and non-in terference with private enterprise and business.

While a resident of the town of Livingston, he received proofs of grea personal popularity—at that time the Democratic party in the town of Liv ingston was very small in numbers, the opposition party having an averag majority of about 300. Mr. Morris was nominated for the office of Justic of the Peace, and had for his opponent a gentleman of the dominant part

also of the legal profession, of high attainments, of unexceptionable character, connected with the most influential families of the town, and of great promise, (which his subsequent life has realized.) With these advantages he was run upon party considerations, and yet Mr. Morris was elected over him by a very large majority. Thus Mr. Morris' first appearance as a candidate before the people gave earnest of his future successes.

Early in his profession he became distinguished as an advocate. In 1829, having previously been admitted to the degree of counsellor at law, he returned to the place of his birth, the city of New-York, and pursued the practice of his profession with extraordinary success with his charac teristic energy and popular manners he also engaged in politics. He was soon recognized as one of the leading members of his party, which sent him to the Legislature in 1833, and he was re-elected in 1834.

The year 1834 will be ever memorable as one of the wildest speculations in chartered privileges. The modified tariff of 1832 had stimulated general prosperity, and the action of the late National Bank, struggling for a recharter against the will of the people, had excited prosperity into the wildest gambling schemes. Stocks of all and any descriptions would command enormous premiums, and were therefore manufactured to sell at a profit. Albany, as the source of these means of wealth, was crowded with speculators seeking charters. Log-rolling was shamelessly carried on to an enormous extent. Throughout the state, localities were selected for banks, and the projectors of all combined in urging upon the Legislature the necessity of more bank capital at each and all of these points, and that they succeeded but too well, the subsequent distress of the people gave ample evidence. At that trying time Mr. Morris was chairman of the committee on banks and insurance companies, and as such held perhaps the most important position in the Assembly. Seeing the evil, and rightly estimating its disas trous consequences, his quick perception also divined its cause, viz. the premium at which the stock was put off by designing projectors upon the unwary public. He therefore made an able report, accompanied by a bill requiring that all new bank stocks should be put up at public auction, and all premiums obtained by the sale of the shares should be paid into the school fund. The public spirited projectors who were so anxious to supply the "wants of commerce," and develope the "resources of the country," had, however, no idea of exerting themselves without large profits, and their influence defeated a law which would have saved millions to the people of this state.

In 1838, Mr. Morris was appointed Recorder of the city of New-York, which office he held for about three years. At that time, the Court of Sessions, over which he was the presiding judge, set almost continually. The ability with which he performed the important duties of that office is evinced in the fact, that although there were many causes removed from his decisions, by writ of error, to the Supreme Court, and to the Court for the Correction of Errors, not one of Mr. Morris' decisions was reversed by either tribunal, a gratifying proof, not only of the extent of his legal knowledge, but of the accuracy and rapidity of his judgment, when, from the nature of the business of the court-trials by jury-his decisions were compelled to be made from the impression of the moment.

The elections of 1840 will ever be remembered as connected with a foul conspiracy to invade the right of suffrage, and to defraud the people, through nefarious combinations, of the true exposition of their wishes. An extensive conspiracy was deliberately formed by wealthy and hitherto respectable individuals, to procure the deposition of a number of votes, sufficient to elect to office men who were obnoxious to the body of the people. Mr. Morris, then Recorder of the city of New-York, discovered the extensive

election frauds which had been perpetrated by Glentworth and his associates, and with great energy and perseverance sought and found the evidence that proved these fraudulent transactions, and pointed out their authors. At this period, Wm. H. Seward was Governor, and the federal party had a majority in both branches of the Legislature. Many of the persons implicated by the evidence elicited in the investigation made by the Recorder, were among the most worthy and prominent of the dominant party, which sought, by attacking the judges, to turn public attention from the crime and its perpetrators. They proposed to save the influential culprits by destroying the judge, who, with signal ability and indomitable perseverance and courage, was conducting the investigation.

The party press, orators and counsel, feed by the implicated, filled the whole country with inflammatory denunciations of the judges, and with arguments to convince jurors that they should disregard entirely the evidence against the accused, and should indict and punish the judge. Under these circumstances, a grand jury was summoned by a whig sheriff. The Recorder, in a charge to the grand jury, simple in language, clear in legal positions, patriotic and eloquent, submitted the matter for their examination.

During the investigation before the grand jury, prominent whig presses called upon the grand jury expressly not to indict the culprits, but to indict the judge; and before the grand jury reported to the court their action upon the subject, the whig press announced that the jury had agreed not to indict Glentworth, and that they would present the Recorder. The report to the court of the jury proved the accuracy of the whig journals' information. Glentworth was not indicted! The Recorder was presented by a majority of the jury, every man of which majority was a Whig. At the next term of the court, the Recorder delivered a charge to the grand jury upon their powers, duties, privileges and responsibilities. This charge is unsurpassed for clearness of diction, legal statement, or its pure judicial eloquence. It resulted, finally, that Glentworth was indicted for the frauds.

The federal politicians, urged on by those who feared the law, and consequently abhorring those who would enforce it, determined to remove Mr. Morris from the office of Recorder. Some of the most simple-minded of the whig journals, such as had been duped, urged that the Recorder should be impeached those of them who knew that to impeach, there must be a trial, and knowing that upon such trial, facts would be proved and law would be sustained, urged that the Recorder should be removed without trial. A clause in the constitution, which was intended to get rid of imbecile judges, who were not guilty of improper conduct, but incapable of performing their duty, was resorted to; and Mr. Morris was removed from office upon the recommendation of Governor Wm. H. Seward, and by the vote of the majority of the Senators of the state of New-York, all whigs. The correspondence between Governor Seward and Recorder Morris upon this subject, appeared at the time. The letter of Mr. Morris to Governor Seward will long be remembered for its ability.

Mr. Morris was removed from the office of Recorder in February. In March, 1841, his political friends immediately nominated him for the office of mayor of the city of New-York, at the election in April, 1841. 'Twas then that the people spoke forth trumpet-tongued in relation to the frauds, and in support of the champion of the purity of the ballot-box. He had for his competitor the Hon. J. Phillips Phoenix, nominated by the whigs. The contest, as was to be anticipated, was an animated and bitter one. The wealth of the implicated in the Glentworth frauds was lavishly spent. The whole official power of the state was brought to bear upon the election, that their Governor and Senate might not be rebuked by the success of Mr. Mor