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bim, in wishing, that the Oaths of Freedom were altered, from what they are at present; and to constituted, as not to reduce Men to the sad Necessity of destroying their Commerce, or preserving it by a conTINUAL* Profanation of the sacred Name of God.

UPON the Whole, though interfering with tensporal Things immoderately is derogatory to the Clerical Character; yet as Commerce multiplies the Relations of Men, and creates a Variety of Moral Obligations, it will not be thought unbecoming that Order, who are to serve to the Glory of God, and the Edification of Men, to remove Temptations, and propose temporal Rewards to Virtue; especially, if these Schemes of national Reformation should be attended with an Increase of Commerce, and national Honour, with the Security of Liberty, and its known Attendants, Learning, and true Religion. At least, if the Author may be proved to bave erred, he will gladly retire from these Studies ; which he has hitherto followed upon Motives of this kind only.

ral * Part of a Freeman's Oath, in the City of London, is, “ Ye “ shall know no Foreigner to buy or sell any Merchandise with “ any other Foreigner within this City, or Franchise thereof, “ but ye shall warn the Chamberlain thereof, or fome Minis“ ter of the Chamber. Ye shall take no Apprentice, the “ Child of any Alien."

Part of a Freeman's Oath, in the City of Bristol, is as follows “ You shall not know any Foreigner, or Stranger, to buy and “ sell with another Foreigner, within the Precincts of this “ City, but you shall give knowledge thereof unto the Cham“ berlain, or his Deputy, without Delay. You shall not

take any Apprentice,-except he be born under the King's “ Obeysance.

This national Antipathy againft Foreigners, was the Stock on which the Burgesses and freemen grafted their narrow exclufive Schemes of Commerce, and Plans of Monopoly. For the Tenor of the Oaths of Freedom is much the same in other Towns and Cities, as in London and Bristol. And, in the Language of these incorporated Places, the Word Foreigner denotes not only an Alien, or one born out of the King's Obez. fance, but every Englishman, not free of their Corporation. And even Lodgers, In-tenants, House-keepers, Free-holders, Book-keepers, Clerks, Agents, Factors, Mariners, Merchants, &c. though refiding in fuch Places, are not allowed, by their Bye-Laws, to buy and sell, of and to each other, if they are not free themselves. And all the Freemen are obliged, by the express Terms of their Oath, to give Information of such Sales and Contracts, as foon as they come to their knowledge. And yet, But I forbear: The Reader will supply the rest. would

WITH regard to the Naturalization of foreign Protestants, if any such Bill should bereafter be laid before the Houses of Parliament, he is inclined to wish, with the greatest Deference to the Opinion of better Judges, that two Restrictions might be inserted in it, more to obviate the imaginary Danger, which prejudiced People apprehend from paffing of it, than any real ill Consequences froin either Source.

FIRST, That naturalized Foreigners should gain no Parish Settlement; that they should neither become a Burtben to the Natives of this Country, nor have any Tax levied on them to maintain oưr Poor. This is equitable on both sides, and may be necessary to prevent popular Clamours:- Though the Author can venture to assert (which he would not presume to do without good Authority) that the Foreigners, who have settled in this Kingdom for feventy Years past, bava paid, at least, a Pound STERLING towards the Support of the English Poor, for every Penny that has been levied upon the English to maintain poor Foreigners. And if those Gentlemerl, who opposed the Introdu£tion of foreign Protestants, under the Apprekenfion that it would encrease the Poor-Tax (a Burthen too great already) would but give themselves the Trouble to make Enquiries in London, Bristol, Southampton, Canterbury, or any other Place, where any Number of Foreigners have resided, they

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would entertain very different Notions of this Affair; and find Cause to trust no longer to general Invectives, popular Cries, and national Prejudices; by which the best disposed People are often misled, and sometimes induced to join in Measures, not only destructive to the Good of tbeir Country, but fubver five of the Dietates of Humanity, and the clearest Precepts of the Gospel.

AGAIN, That no Foreigner should be capable of a Place of Trust or Power by a general Naturalization. The Wisdom of tbe Legislature might, by an express Axt, qualify a particular Person of extraordinary Merit: And an open Admision of all naturalized Persons, would be made a Topick for popular, though groundless Declamation.

ONE more Observation is bumbly offered on this Subject, viz. That however prudent and expedient it may be, to admit foreign Protestants to be naturalized Subjects, yet unless there were the highest Probability of bringing the point to bear, to attempt it and fail, would confirm the common People in their Prejudices ; and strengthen the Credit of those, who, tbro Disaffe£tion, or a private Interest, incompatiable with the publick Good, have opposed this Measure. This will impower them to spread ftrange Reports, to impose on the Credulity of the lower Sort of People, and to infuse into them Suspicions of the pernicious Views of those Men, who proposed this destructive Projekt ;-which, co-inciding with the national Prejudice againf Foreigners, would be greedily received. And wben, by the Bill's not passing, these Rumours are not confuted by Experience, bow shall we convince a Mob, who aet by Palion, not by Reflection; who are to be gained by finister and mean Arts, and therefore are not generally influenced by the wisef, or belt of Men.

With a Preface, setting forth the avowed Doco trine, and constant Practice of the Church of Rome, concerning the Persecution of




Ontaining important Queries relating to the

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- Materials for Employing the Poor, and the Causes of the Want of Employment : The Encrease of Inhabitants, the Riches of a Country; the Landed and National Interest:-Taxes of all kinds, particularly the Poor Tax:_The Birth-right and Privileges of Englisbmen, and the real Interest of Tradesmen:- The moft ef: ficacious, as well as the gentlest Methods for the Reformation of a People's Morals : -A Regard to the Constitutions both in Church and State:--The Duties of Humanity, and the Principles of the Christian Religion. To which will be added, by Way of Appendix, A calm Address to all Parties in Religion, concerning Disaffection towards the present Government; first Published during the late Rebellion, and now to be republished with material Additions.



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Historical Remarks on the Difpofition

and Behaviour of the Natives of this Isand towards Foreigners; OG cafioned by the Reje£tion of the late Naturalization Bill.

T is observable," that every Naa

tion hath some peculiar Biass, of I

a virtuous and a vicious Tendency, which conftitutes the distinguishing Characteristic of

that People: And even New Comers acquire, in a short Time, the fame Dispositions and Manners. The present French and Spaniards seem to inherit both the good and bad Qualities of the ancient Inhabitarsi of Gaul and Spain. And the modern English,



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