under two general heads; the duties which are required of us in our character as private men, and those which belong to us in a political capacity as subjects and citizens.

FIRST, as private men and Christians, let us cultivate those virtues which are essential to the prosperity of our country. The foundation of all public happiness must be laid in the good conduct of individuals; in their industry, sobriety, justice and regular attention to the duties of their several stations. Such virtues are the sinews and strength of the state; they are the supports of its prosperity at home, and of its reputation abroad; while luxury, corruption, venality, and idleness, unnerve the public vigor, disgrace the public character, and pave the way to general ruin. Every vice, however fashionable, that becomes prevalent, is the infusion of so much poison into the public cup; and in proportion to the degree of its prevalence, will the health and strength of the nation be impaired. Few of us by our arms, and fewer still by our counsels, can have influence in promoting that welfare of our country which all profess to desire. But there is one sphere in which all of us can act as benefactors to it; by setting a good example, each in his own line, and performing a worthy and honourable part. Righteousness will ever exalt a nation; and wickedness will be, first, the reproach, and then the ruin of every people.

Among those virtues to which the love of our country calls us, let us not forget piety to God. Without a proper sense of religion, and a due acknowledgment of that Supreme Power which rules among the kingdoms, no nation was ever found to prosper long. Let those sophistical reasoners, who would teach us that philosophy ought now to supersede the ancient prejudices of Religion, look to the history of those republics which they so highly admire, especially to the history of the Romans. They will there find, that, during the freest and most flourishing periods of the republic, the Romans were the most religious of all nations. The Senate at no time assembled, no consul entered on his office, no great public measure was ever undertaken, without previous religious services, without prayers and sacrifice. After every victory, solemn thanksgivings were offered to the gods; and upon any defeat that was sustained, public humiliations and processions were decreed, in order to deprecate the displeasure of Heaven. That much superstition and folly entered into what they called religion, will be readily admitted; but still it implied reverence to a Supreme Power in Heaven, which ruled all the affairs of men, and was entitled to their homage. Hence that sacred respect to an oath, as an inviolable obligation, which long distinguished the Romans; and historians have remarked, that when the reverence for an oath began to be diminished, and the loose epicurean system which discarded the belief of Provi-.

dence to be introduced, the Roman honour and prosperity from that period began to decline. These are things that belong to our admonition, on whom the ends of the world are come.

In the second place, as we would show our love to our country, let us join to the virtues of private men, those which belong to us in a political capacity as subjects and citizens. These must appear in loyalty to our sovereign, in submission to the authority of rulers and magistrates, and in readiness to support the measures that are taken for public welfare and defence. Without regard to such duties as these, it is evident, not only that the state cannot flourish, but even that it cannot subsist. Accordingly they are strongly bound upon us by the authority of Scripture. Let every soul be subject to the higher powers; whoever resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God. For rulers are not a terror to good works, but to the evil. Wherefore ye must needs be subject, not only for wrath, but also for conscience'-sake.* Such passages as these, there is little danger of our misunderstanding at present, as if they enjoined a slavish submission to authority in things unlawful. This is by no means the extreme to which the spirit of the times points, or to which the nature of our civil constitution leads. The full opportunity that is given for the voice of the people being at all times heard, the freedom of discussion on all political matters that is allowed both in discourse and writing, is a sufficient guard against all approaches to unwarrantable stretches of power in the ruler, and to unlimited submission in the subject.

But while we duly value this high advantage of the liberty of the press and the freedom of political discussion, and when we behold it perpetually acting as a censorial check on all who are in power, let us beware, lest, abusing our liberty, we suffer it to degenerate into licentiousness. The multitude, we well know, are always prone to find fault with those who are set over them, and to arraign their conduct; and too often this spirit appears when public dangers ought to silence the voice of discontent, and to unite every heart and hand in the common cause.— The management of a great empire, especially in difficult times, is the conduct of an unweildy and intricate machine, in direct ing the movements of which, where is the hand so steady as never to err? Instead of the violent censures which the giddy and presumptuous are so ready to pour forth, moderation in discussing matters of which they are very incompetent judges, would be much more wise and becoming. The art of government and legislation is undoubtedly the most nice and difficult of all the arts in which the human mind can be engaged; and where the greatest preparation of knowledge, experience and

Rom. xiii. 1-6.

ability are absolutely requisite to qualify men for the task. But in times when legislation is considered as a trade which every man is qualified to take up; when the manufacturer quits his loom, and the artizan lays down his tools, in order to contrive plans for reforming the state, and to constitute societies for carrying his plans into execution; what can be expected to follow from such a spirit, if it were to become prevalent, but the most direful confusion ?- -Were the rashness of some, whose intentions are innocent, the only evil to be dreaded, the danger would be less. But it is always to be apprehended, that the operations of such persons are directed by men who have deeper designs in view; who seek to embroil the state, in order to bring forward themselves; whose aim it is to rise into eminence, though it were on the ruins of public tranquillity and order. Let such men, if any such there be, consider well what the consequences may be, of fomenting the spirit of presumptuous innovation. is a dangerous weapon which they attempt to wield. By the agitation which they raise among a blind multitude, they are giving impulse to the motions of a violent engine, which often discharges its explosions on the heads of those who first touched its springs.

It

UPON the whole, let us, my brethren, be thankful that our grounds of discontent, whether founded on real or imaginary grievances, are so few; and that, for so great a number of public blessings, we have reason to bless the God of Heaven. We live in a land of pure religion, of liberty and laws, and under a just and mild government. However the opinion of men may differ about this or that political measure adopted by government, it may with confidence be said, that we have much reason to respect those rulers, under whose administration the empire, though engaged in a hazardous and expensive war, has all along continued to hold a high rank among the nations of Europe, and has attained to that flourishing state of commerce, opulence, and safety, in which we behold it at this day; insomuch that perhaps the greatest dangers we have to apprehend, arise from the jealousy with which rival nations behold our superiority at sea, and our wealth and strength at home.-Let our prayers ascend frequently to Heaven for the continuance of those blessings; for the peace of our Jerusalem; for peace within her walls, and prosperity within her palaces; and let the admonition of Scripture never be forgotten; My son, fear thou God; honour the king; and meddle not with them that are given to change.*

SERMON LXXVIII

ON A CONTENTED MIND.

Say now unto her," Behold thou hast been careful for us with all "this care; what is to be done for thee? Wouldst thou be spoken for to the King, or to the Captain of the Host ?" And she answered," I dwell among mine own people."— 2 KINGS, iv. 13.

A PIOUS and respectable woman of Shunem had exercised great hospitality to the prophet Elisha. In order to accommodate him in his various journeyings, she had caused a chamber to be built for him, adjacent to her house, where he might be furnished with all that, according to the simplicity of those times, was wanted for his entertainment. In the text, the Prophet, by his servant Gehazi, acknowledges the obligations he lay under to this good woman for her care and attention; and being at that time in favour with the king of Israel, desires to know, whether, in return for her kindness, he should apply to the king, or the captain of the host, in her behalf, and procure advancement to her in rank and fortune. Her answer bespeaks all the modesty of one who was satisfied and contented with her present lot. Without any affectation of uncommon virtue, or any haughty contempt of the Prophet's offers, she mildly replies, "I dwell among mine own people." "I dwell in the condition to which "I was born; in my native land; among my original connections, " and persons of my own rank; and living there in peace, I have "no desires of aspiring to a higher rank."

The temper of this worthy Shunamite, who could so properly set bounds to her desires, and enjoy her present condition with contentment, is what I now propose to your imitation. It stands in opposition to that restless and discontented spirit which so often sets men at variance with their condition in the world, makes them look with contempt on that state of life and sphere of

action which Providence has allotted them; and encouraging every real or supposed discouragement to prey upon their minds, makes them pine for some change of fortune.

It is proper, however, to observe, that this moderation of spirit which I am now recommending, is not inconsistent with our having a sense of what is uneasy or distressing in our lot, and endeavouring, by fair means, to render our condition more agreeable. Entire apathy, or passive indifference to all the circumstances of our external state, is required by no precept of religion. What a virtuous degree of contentment requires and supposes, is, that with a mind free from repining anxiety, we make the best of our condition, whatever it is: enjoying such good things as God is pleased to bestow upon us, with a thankful and cheerful heart; without envy at those who appear more prosperous than us; without any attempt to alter our condition by unfair means; and without any murmuring against the Providence of Heaven." In that state in which it pleased God to place "me at my birth, I am ready to remain, as long as it shall be "his pleasure to continue me there. He has placed me among "my equals. Such comforts as he saw meet for me to possess, "he has bestowed. These I shall study to improve; and by "his kind Providence, favouring my industry and application, I may hope they will be increased. In the mean time, I rest sa"tisfied; and complain not. Idwell among mine own people."

But if this acquiescence in our condition is to be considered as belonging to that contentment which religion requires, what becomes, it will be said, of that laudable ambition, which has prompted many boldly to aspire with honour and success far beyond their original state of life? I readily admit, that on some among the sons of men, such high talents are bestowed, as mark them out by the hand of God for superior elevation; by rising to which, many, both in ancient and modern times, have had the opportunity of distinguishing themselves as benefactors to their country and to mankind. But these are only a few scattered stars that shine in a wide hemisphere; such rare examples afford no model for general conduct. It is not to persons of this description that I now speak. I address myself to the multitude; to the great body of men in all the various walks of ordinary life. Them I warn of the danger of being misled by vanity and self-conceit, to think themselves deserving of a much higher sta tion than they possess. I warn them, not to nourish aspiring desires for objects beyond their power of attaining, or capacity of enjoying; and thereby to render themselves unhappy in their present condition, and dissatisfied with all that belongs to it.By this restless discontented temper, I shall proceed to show that they incur much guilt, and involve themselves in great folly and misery.