rounced it solemnly in the Latin tongue. The prætor, Octavius, then informed the Greeks, that the substance of the decree, which of course in the Latin they understood not, was,-First, that the Senate determined the Macedonians should be free, keep their territories, preserve their laws, and choose annually their magistrates, paying to the Romans half the tribute payed to their kings. Secondly, that Macedonia should be divided into four regions: the capital of the first being Amphipolis; of the second Thessalonica; of the third Pella; of the fourth Pelagonia. To these cities once a quarter they were summoned, to hold assemblies, raise money, and elect magistrates. Thirdly, it was declared unlawful for any person to intermarry, to carry on a trade, or buy and sell lands with any one who was not an inhabitant of his own region. Fourthly, they were prohibited from working any mines of gold or silver; those of iron and brass they were allowed to work, paying half the rent to the Romans which they were used to pay their kings. Fifthly, they were to import no foreign salt. They were to sell no timber fit for building ships to the barbarous nations. But, for their defence, might keep garrisons on their frontiers. The people were much affected by this decree, which, while it proclaimed their liberty, left them in the possession of none. All the nobility, with their children above the age of fifteen, were commanded to transport themselves into Italy; and a code of laws was issued, which, acceptable or otherwise, the Macedonians were obliged to obey. These more important matters settled, Æmilius celebrated games at Amphipolis in honour of his conquest. The brazen shields of the Macedonian phalanx he sent on board the ships. All other arms belonging to the troops, he caused to be brought together, and as it was not intended they should raise armies, or engage any more in military expeditions, these weapons were raised into an immense pile, and after solemn prayers to Mars and Minerva, and other deities, the consul set fire to them with a torch he held, the

other officers immediately throwing in the lighted torches they had carried at the solemnity. The rich furniture, plate, statues, and other valuables found in the royal palaces, were put on board the fleet.

Returning to Rome, Æmilius sailed up the Tiber in Perseus' royal galley, richly adorned with the arms of his prisoner, and dressed in his purple robes of royalty. Though no conquest could be more glorious than the short one this general had made of so powerful a kingdom, by some reason of discontent, there arose a dispute about his triumph. Till this was decided, and while preparations were making for it, Perseus was confined in the common gaol. When he knew a triumph was decreed to Æmilius, he sent to entreat he might not be therein made a spectacle; to which the general answered, "That is in his own power; he need not ask the favour of me:" intimating, that he might kill himself, if he prefered death to shame. This, Perseus, it appears, did not. On the day of triumph, after the arms, treasures, and gold plate belonging to Perseus' table, followed his sons, Philip and Alexander, and his little daughter, with their nurses, preceptors, and attendants; brought hither, not for their service, but to increase the pomp. people wept and wrung their hands, and made the children extend their arms in signs of supplication, to move the compassion of the people. Next them, came Perseus by himself, clad in deep mourning. At some distance behind, followed his friends, and the nobility of Macedon. They walked with their arms folded, and their eyes fixed on the king, as if concerned for him only. After the triumph, Perseus was sent back to gaol, and placed amongst the meanest criminals; no care being taken for his sustenance. In this state he remained fasting four days. At length he besought his wretched companions for a portion of their food, which they gave him ; and procured him a rope and a sword, supposing he would desire to end his misfor tunes. Still Perseus preferred to live; and after some

These

time, by the intercession of Æmilius, was placed in milder custody. The manner of his death is not certain. Some say, that having disobliged his keeper, he was killed by him. Others that his guard disliking him, would never suffer him to sleep; and thus, by continual watching, brought him to his end.

Thus terminated the kingdom of Macedon, having subsisted 600 years from the time of Caramanus its founder, and from the death of Alexander, not quite a hundred and sixty. Certainly nothing contributed so much to hasten the fall of this empire, as the character of its last monarch, who in his father's life laid the foundation of his misfortunes by the death of his brother Demetrius, the favourite of the people, and the friend of Rome. Afterwards, natural timidity and consciousness of crime, rendered him unfit for the contest he had provoked. Still his treatment by the Romans was unjust and cruel. His children were brought up in obscurity. B.C. 152. The history of Macedon does not entirely end with its kingdom. The state was yet professedly free; and had new wars to wage before it sank to the obscurity of a mere province. Sixteen years it had remained in the state to which Æmilius had reduced it; the ancient nobility dwelt in Italy; its riches were all conveyed thither; and with all their pretension to be free, the people were poor, heartless, and divided. After this space, a person of low birth, named Andriscus, made pretence of being the son of Perseus; and with a story framed for the purpose, presented himself as such at the court of Demetrius Soter, king of Syria, who had married Perseus' sister. The impostor was easily detected, and sent by Demetrius to Rome; but considered of too little importance there to be dangerous, was suffered to escape. Macedon meantime was in an unprosperous condition, dissatisfied and desirous of a change: and when Andriscus again appeared there, by exciting their desire for independence, and the recovery of their ancient constitution, he got

possession of the kingdom almost as hastily as his pretended father lost it.

The Romans were totally surprised at this event, and had no army at that time in Greece. Scipio Nasica was sent to examine the affair, and found this disturbance in Macedon was not a mere tumultuary insurrection; the people had joyfully accepted the pretended Philip for their king; less because they believed him the son of Perseus, than because he promised to rid them of the Romans. The just, temperate, and courteous character of Scipio supplied the place of an army. He visited the principal cities of Greece to confirm them in allegiance, heard their remonstrances, redressed their wrongs, and by various persuasive arts induced them to furnish him with troops to check the progress of Andriscus. The first army sent from Rome against the usurper under Juventius was defeated; and thus not only was Macedon confirmed in his possession, but Thessaly also added to his dominions. Andriscus might have become formidable to Rome, at this time entering on the third Punic war, and scarcely at liberty to defend Greece, had Macedon attacked it; but he was altogether vicious and corrupt, to his subjects cruel and oppressive. An army was in the issue sent to Macedon under Metellus, who twice defeated the tyrant, and after much hard fighting, repossessed himself of the kingdom and led the impostor to his triumph. B.C. 148.

Two other pretenders appeared, and the Macedonians preferring everything to the dominion of Rome, endeavoured to uphold them; but in vain. All was subdued by Metellus and the state reduced to lower degradation than it had been by Æmilius; their governors, appointed by Rome, using the pretext of the late commotions, still further to enslave and oppress them. From this time, history supplies us with no records of Macedonian affairs.

We think it scarcely necessary in so slight a sketch as this, to enter upon the separate history of such states as

Epirus, Thrace, &c. They contain little distinctive narrative. We have seen them in connexion with the greater states, and generally dependent on their fortunes; and we may consider them as absorbed with them, in the universal dominion of Rome. Something less, therefore, than a century and a half before the christian æra, we take leave of the empire of Greece; and leave the whole of the territories comprised in it, whether European or Asiatic, reduced and divided, and either already subjected to Rome, or about to become so.

REFLECTIONS

ON SELECT PASSAGES OF SCRIPTURE.

He that had gathered much, had nothing over; and he that had gathered little, had no lack.-EXODUS xvi. 18.

NOTHING is more striking in the first aspect of society, than the inequalities of men's fortunes in it-nothing so much falsified on close investigation, as that delusive aspect. I have looked upon one who has most—all the delight of nature, the recherche of luxury, the indulgence of taste and science, the generosity of wealth, the elevation of greatness-it seemed more than enough. But I went nearer, and there was nothing over, nothing beyond the common lot of humanity. Heart-burnings, anxieties, and corrosive care, kept jealous guard on the margin of the cup, and never could it reach to fulness, never passed it the boundary of insufficiency. There was nothing over, nay, there was not enough, for if it sufficed to-day, there was nothing secured for to-morrow; and the appetite of rationals cannot be so satisfied. 1 have looked upon another where there was least-there were neither friends, nor food, nor healthfulness, nor the enjoyment of nature, nor the substitutions of art, nor the