QUEEN ELEANOR'S CROSSES.
I.

To our nation she was a loving mother, the column and pillar of the whole realm; therefore to her glory the king her husband caused all those famous trophies, wherever her noble corse did rest; for he loved her above all earthly creatures. She was a godly and modest princess, full of pity, and one that showed much favour to the English nation, ready to relieve every man's grief that sustained wrong, and to make them friends that were at discord.SPEED'S Translation of WALSINGHAM.

Such is the eulogium bestowed on Queen Eleanora of Castile, wife of our Edward I.; and that it is a just one, and fully borne out by the general voice of the nation in her times, a little examination will fully prove. We are about to describe those memorials of her husband's affection still remaining in our land, which are known as QUEEN ELEANOR'S CROSSES; and we shall attach a greater interest to our subject by relating the principal events in the life of this queen, thus enabling the reader to form a just estimate of her character, and of the share taken by her in the stirring events of the times in which she lived.

Prince Edward was espoused to the young Infanta of Castile when they were both children, Edward being only fifteen years of age; and the Princess Eleanora about five years younger. The marriage had been planned by Henry III. to put an end to his contest with Alphonso, the brother of the bride, and it is remarkable that an union contrived for mere political purposes should have turned out so well. According to a stipulation on the part of Alphonso, the young prince, accompanied by his mother, Queen Eleanor of Provence, went to claim the hand of the princess at Burgos, the capital of Castile, August 5th, 1254. A tournament was held on the occasion, and the young prince was knighted by the sword of his brother-in-law. On the return of Queen Eleanor to England with the youthful pair, great enter

tainments were made to celebrate the occasion. Henry III. created his son Prince of Wales, telling him to

employ his youth in conquering that principality. A dower of one thousand pounds per annum was settled on Eleanora, in case the prince should die before his father.

In 1256 Prince Edward and his young bride went to Bordeaux, where Eleanora was left to complete her education while the young prince visited tournaments, and led the wandering life of a knight errant. He was suddenly recalled to England by the dissensions between his father and the barons, which terminated in a civil war of three years' duration. During all this period the young princess resided in France, and the uncertainty of her future prospects, influenced as they would be by the result of the terrible struggle then going on, appears to have had a favourable effect on her character, and to have nurtured in her that union of patience, gentleness, and decision, which marked her after years, and operated so favourably in many instances, on the impetuons nature of her

consort.

The happy restoration of peace, brought about by means of the valour and intrepidity of the young prince, at length permitted of the return of the royal ladies to England. Eleanor of Provence, Queen of England, with her daughter-in-law, Eleanora of Castile, landed at Dover, October 29th, 1265, where they were received by King Henry III. and Prince Edward. The latter found his wife much altered in person and mind during their long separation. He had left her a simple uninformed girl, he found her a lovely and dignified woman, with qualities destined to be the support and joy of his future years. From the period of their reunion to the year 1269, when Prince Edward took up the cross, and joined the Syrian campaign, we meet with little to relate concerning the Princess Eleanora. Her favourite residence was the Castle of Windsor, where three of her children were born, John, Eleanora, and Henry. The

beauty of these children and their early promise might have been supposed a sufficient cause to have prevented the princess from accompanying her husband to the Holy Land, but she cheerfully made the sacrifice, separated herself from her beloved infants, and said, in answer to her ladies who represented to her the hardships and dangers to which she was about to expose herself, "Nothing ought to part those whom God has joined, and the way to heaven is as near, if not nearer, from Syria, as from England or my native Spain."

Early in the spring of 1270 the Princess Eleanora sailed for Bordeaux in order to superintend the preparations for the crusade; and in May of that year she embarked with her husband for the coast of Tunis, on which place Louis IX. of France, had agreed to make, with him, a simultaneous attack. A treaty with the Moors led to a change in the arrangements; Edward and his wife passed the winter in Sicily, where news was brought them of the death of Louis by pestilence, and the destruction of his army. On this Edward was earnestly entreated to give up his expedition altogether; but he energetically declared that he would lay siege to Acre, if he was only followed thither by Fower, his groom. Accordingly the following spring they proceeded to Ptolemais, and Edward made two successful campaigns, defeating the infidel army at Nazareth and at Cahow. They wintered in the island of Cyprus, and proceeded with a reinforcement drawn from thence, to lay siege to Acre in the following spring. Eleanora still attended her consort, and it was at Acre that the incident occurred which gave rise to a romantic story of that princess having saved the life of her husband by sucking poison from a wound inflicted by a Saracen assassin. Eleanora may indeed be said, under the providence of God, to have saved the life of her husband; but it was by tender and skilful treatment during his illness, rather than by any remarkable act of heroism. The circumstances of the case as gathered from the various chronicles of the times, appear to be as follows. The emir of Joppa, under pretence of wishing to become a convert to Christianity, had held frequent communication with the prince by means of an envoy, who proved to be one of the agents of the Old Man of the Mountains, whose band of murderers were known by the name of Assassins*. This wily messenger gradually won his way to Edward's confidence; and on one occasion when the prince was indisposed, he was permitted to enter the royal chamber. Here he found the prince lying on his bed, and slightly clothed, and as his negociations were of a nature to involve the life and honour of the emir of Joppa, the prince was necessarily left alone with him to carry on the conference. The letters which were presented to the prince were of a pleasing nature, and while he was occupied in reading them, the assassin drew near under pretence of delivering another paper, but from the folds of his dress he took out with it a poniard with which he aimed a blow at the side of the prince. But Edward's quick glance had detected the weapon, and he raised his arm just in time to receive the blow on it, and thus defend the vital part. A second thrust was made by the assassin, but Edward threw him to the ground with a kick upon the breast. The struggle was renewed, and Edward dispatched his enemy either by means of a tressel or stool that stood by, or with the very poniard intended for his own destruction. The attendants rushed in, and set upon the assassin, until they were recalled by the stern voice of the prince inquiring "What was the use of striking a dead man?"

Hemingford, the chronicler of these events, inform us that the Grand Master of the Temple immediately sent the prince plenty of precious drugs to stop the progress of the poison, but mortification being apprehended, an English physician recommended extensive excisions, * An interesting account of this secret association is contained in Saturday Magazine, Vol. X. p. 95, 115.

which were to be made in the presence of the nobility and the princess. Edward's language to the physician was, "If suffering may again restore my health, I commit myself to you; work on me your will, and spare not." At these words the affectionate heart of Eleanora was overcome, her firmness forsook her; and she burst into a passion of tears and lamentations. Edward requested his brother Edmund, and a favourite knight, John de Vexi, to bear her from the apartment; but it would seem that they were obliged to employ force on the occasion, ere they could separate her from her beloved husband in this hour of trial. Her brother-inlaw told her that it was better she should weep and cry than all England mourn and lament.

The operation was performed with good effect, though the health of the prince remained for a long time in a precarious state; and he always spoke of his final recovery as due to the care and attention of his faithful Eleanora. The romance of the story here alluded to, is only given by Camden, who quotes an authority on which no great dependance is placed. Hemingford makes no mention of this circumstance, nor does Wikes, who only says that the prince was healed by the grace of Christ. At this time Edward made his will and provided for the dowry of his "dear wife Eleanor," committing the guardianship of his children to his brotherin-law, John of Brittany.

During the stay of Edward and Eleanora at Acre, an infant princess was born to them, and named Joanna of Acre. The army of Edward had become much wasted by sickness and famine, and finding it was useless to remain longer in Syria, he accepted proposals of truce from the Sultan, and departed from the Holy Land, leaving behind him a reputation only second to that of his great uncle Cœur de Lion.

On his arrival with the princess and her infant in Sicily, they received the sad tidings first of the death of Prince John, their lovely and promising heir, then of the death of Prince Henry, their second son, and soon afterwards of the decease of Henry III. by which the prince became Edward I. of England. We are told that Edward and Eleonora bore the loss of their children with a degree of resignation and calmness that caused much astonishment at the Court of Sicily. But when Edward was first apprised of the death of his father, he gave way to such a burst of anguish, that the King of Sicily, who was present, asked him how it was that he bore the loss of both his sons with such quiet resignation, and exhibited such bitter grief at the death of an aged The answer given by Edward was a just and memorable one: "The loss of infants may be repaired by the God that gave them; but when a man has lost a good father, it is not in the course of nature for God to send him another."

man.

England was at that time in a state of such profound tranquillity that Edward I. and his queen were able to extend their continental tour, and to visit Rome, where they were magnificently entertained by Pope Gregory X. They remained abroad for more than a year, and during that time another heir was born to the English throne, and named Alphonso. This event took place at Maine, November 23, 1272. In passing homewards, Edward made a progress through his French provinces, tilting at tournaments as he went. An account of his arrival with Eleanora in England to assume the royal dignity will be given hereafter.

All

The figures of Queen Eleanora which adorn the cross at Waltham form the subject of our illustration. the statues of this excellent queen exhibit a certain degree of grace and beauty; but the figure on her tomb in Westminster Abbey is the most remarkable for its elegant proportions. The countenance, which bears the stamp of individual resemblance, is lovely, both in the form and expression of the features, and leads one to suppose that the wife of Edward I. was a mode!

of feminine beauty, as she was also a pattern of conjugal fidelity and affection. Such a rare union of qualities and endowments was sufficient to inspire the deep attachment manifested by her lord, nor do we wonder at the mild but powerful influence which the sweet-tempered Eleanora evidently possessed over the ambitious spirit of the king. It was not till that influence was removed, and death had deprived him of the interceding voice so often raised on behalf of the offender, that those cruelties were enacted in Scotland, which left the darkest stain on the character of Edward.

The drapery on the figures in our wood-cut will give some idea of the simple and becoming costume worn by the court of Queen Eleanora. An under-gown, or kirtle, made high in the neck, with close sleeves, fell in graceful and easy folds to the feet, forming a train. Over this was worn a robe with full fur sleeves. Some of the ladies of the court adopted the gorget, which was a kind of helmet, formed of white cambric or lawn, with a visor cut for the face to peep through; but the good taste of the queen caused her to reject such an absurdity, and to leave her neck and shoulders unincumbered with the ugly appendage, and only ornamented by the wavy ringlets of her beautiful hair. The women of Spain are remarkable for the richness of their tresses, and Eleonora appears to have shared in this advantage of her countrywomen. Her statues generally represent her with ringlets flowing on each side of her face, and falling on her neck from under the regal diadem. That the household of this queen was supplied with costly and luxurious articles, and that some of the refinements generally attributed to a later date were known and adopted in this reign, is made evident by the interesting researches of modern times. In Herbert's History of the City Companies we have a notice of some of the gold and silver articles made for the sideboard of Edward I. Among them are thirty-four pitchers of gold and silver, appropriated to hold water or wines; ten gold cups, from 1427. to 2921. value each; ten other cups of silver-gilt and silverwhite, some having stands and enamelled; and more than one hundred cups of silver, from 47. to 118/.value each; also cups of jasper, silver-plates, silver and silver-gilt dishes, gold and silver salts, alms-bowls, and numerous other vessels, all of the precious metals. The list of household plate enumerates among other articles a pair of knives with silver sheaths enamelled, with a fork of crystal; another pair with ivory and ebony handles and studs; pitchers of crystal; justa, or small mugs of silvergilt; a large ewer, set with pearls all over; a comb and looking-glass of silver-gilt enamelled, and a bodkin of silver in a leathern case; gold, silver, and crystal crosses, some set with sapphires, and inclosing relics. The jewels include gold clasps, offered to the different shrines; jewels given by the king to the bishops and restored after their deaths; rings remaining or given as presents; a large silver girdle, with silver and precious stones; a large silver image of the king in a surcoat, and with a hood over his head, and a silver plate under his feet; annealed silver jugs, round which were two figures of the king and two figures of the queen; five serpents' tongues in standards of silver, these were precious stones so called: petiaria, or precious stones, consisting of amethysts, sapphires, topazes, rubies, emeralds, carbuncles, chalcedonies, jaspers, diamonds, garnets, and cameos. Four royal crowns are also mentioned, one set with rubies, emeralds, and great pearls; another with rubies and emeralds; another with Indian pearls; and one great crown of gold, ornamented with emeralds, sapphires of the east, rubies, and large eastern pearls, used at the king's coronation. Among other articles is mentioned a gold ring with a sapphire of the workmanship of no less a personage than St. Dunstan.

"This," says Mr. Herbert, "tends to show the antiquity, as well as the traditionary propriety of the Goldsmiths' Company adopting St. Dunstan as their patron."

The above account will be sufficient to prove that the Court of Queen Eleanora was not devoid of splendour and elegance. To this queen is attributed the introduction of tapestry as furniture-hangings, which had been previously employed solely for the decoration of altars, or for grand pictorial representations of national events.

CURIOUS ARITHMETICAL QUESTION. IN a former paper (p. 107 of the preceding volume,) we pointed out the nature of abstract and concrete numbers, with their relations to each other in discharging the operations of arithmetic. We stated the propriety and possibility of adding together concrete quantities, and also of subtracting them, the one from the other; such quantities being, in both cases, of a like kind. We observed, however, that, in regard to multiplication and division, the multiplier in the one case, and the divisor in the other, at least, must be an abstract quantity.

But a correspondent very naturally asks us, whether, in a "rule of three" sum, we do not multiply and divide concrete quantities by others, which are also concrete; whether, again, we do not achieve the like process in the calculation of interest?

Let us first take an example, which is referable to that which is called the "golden rule," or rule of three. If 2 yards of silk cost 7s., what will 20 yards cost?

Now the common method of stating or arranging this sum for calculation, is to dispose the terms so that the first and third shall be of the same name, and the second of the like kind with the answer required, thus,-. As 2 yds. 7s. :: 20 yds.

But the real nature of the question is better shown thus,As 2 yds. 20 yds. :: 7s.

A change which obviously does not affect the result (70s. 31. 10s.)

Now when, in either case, we multiply the second and third terms together, we appear to have a concrete multiplier; and the first term when used as a divisor, seems also to be concrete. But, in reality, we find the ratio between two abstract numbers, and then seek for a corresponding ratio between two sums of money. We find that 78. bears the same ratio to 70s. (the fourth term sought), as 2 bears to 20. It matters not what these numbers mean. They may be yards or inches, miles or furlongs, pounds or ounces. They appear in this case to have the character of yards; but so far as the operation is concerned, they are simply numbers and nothing else.

From a consideration of its readier and more rational application, the second method of stating, before given, is found in some elementary treatises on arithmetic. We seem also to multiply concrete quantities, when we perform a common sum in interest; such as,-let us find the interest of 2001. for a year at five per cent., per annum. This is properly a rule of three sum, and stated according to the second case, would appear thus:As 1007. 2007. :: 57.: 107.

We here find the same ratio subsisting between the third and fourth terms, as between the first and second; or we, in fact, take part of the principal sum for the interest of the same; 57. being paid for every 100l., which = 20• It is therefore evident, by a strict estimation of the subject, that the multiplier or divisor, which we may use, is truly abstract; but still, it must be admitted that, in the practical application of the various rules of arithmetic, we are constantly multiplying together concrete quantities, or dividing such quantities by the same. The doctrine of abstract and concrete numbers, enunciated in the former article, though irrefragable in itself, is a refined disquisition of the mathematician; but yet desirable to be known and appreciated for the general enlightenment of our ideas of number, and the avoidance of any misapprehension of terms.

SPARE MINUTES.

RESOLVED MEDITATIONS AND PREMEDITATED RESOLUTIONS.

THERE are a sort of men which are kind men to me, when they expect some kindness from me who have their hands down to the ground in their salutations, when the ground of their salutations is to have a hand at me in some commodity. But their own ends once served, their kindness hath its end at once: and then it seems strange to me, how strange they will seem to grow to me; as if the cause (their desire) being removed, the effect (their courtesy) must straight cease. I will not acknowledge such my friends, but their own: and whenever I see such insinuating palpation, I will bethink me what the authors would have of me: and with a thrifty discretion, rather deny such their requests, than in a prodigal kindness become their friend, more than mine own.

I SEE a number of gallants everywhere, whose incomes come in yearly by set numbers, but run out daily sans number. I could pity the cases of such brave men, but that I see them still in brave cases. And when I see them often foxed, methinks the proverb suits those suits, What is the fox but his case? I should think them to be Eutrapelus' enemies, whom he clothed richly to make them spend freely, and grow debauched. I will do those men right, and wonder at them, because they desire it. I will not wrong myself to envy at them, because they deserve it not; nor to pity them, because they scorn it. I know that gorgeous apparel is an ornament to grace the court, for the glory of the kingdom; but it is no ornament useful in the kingdom of grace, nor needful in the kingdom of glory. A rich coat may be commendable in the accidence of Armory only; but it is not the only substance of a commendable gentleman. I will value the apparel by the worthiness of the wearer; I will not value the worthiness of the wearer by the worth of his apparel. Adam was most gallantly appareled, when he was innocently naked.

INGRATITUDE is the character of an ill nature in ourselves, a canker of friendship with others, and the very poison that kills charity in the embryo, being but newly conceived in the pregnant minds of good men, and causing an abortion of liberality, ere it comes to its intended birth. For who will sow those barren sands where he knows he must not only not expect a good harvest, but be sure to lose his seed and labour: yet in these times what is more common or more practised than this ingratitude! For in receiving benefits, who will not (with Enclio in Plautus) find a third hand to reach out to take them? But in requiting, who is not more maimed than the statues of Mercury, which Alcibiades so mangled that he scarce left them a finger, to point out the way to travellers? It is ten to one but we all desire to be cured of the leprosies of our wants: yet scarce one of ten of us returns to give thanks for the cure. I will not think myself so enriched by receiving a courtesy, as engaged to be thankful for it. I am not left a free man at my liberty by taking a man's free liberality; but I sell my freedom for his benefits. I cannot deserve to be gracious with my friend, if, with the Graces, I look not with two faces back to requite as well as with one forward to receive.

As in the greater world for man, so in the little world of man, as in the outward riches of the one, so in the inner treasures of the other, many possess much and enjoy but little, many have much and use but little, others use much, and but little well. I shall not so much endeavour to have much wherewithal to do, as to do much with that little I have. It shall not so much grieve me that I am a poor treasurer, as joy me if I had been a good steward. I could wish I had more to use well, but more wish, well to use that I have. If he were so blamed that employed not one talent well, what would become of me, if I had ten and abused them!

As it is never too soon to be good, so it is never too late to amend: I will therefore neither neglect the time present, nor despair of the time past. If I had been sooner good, I might perhaps have been better: if I am longer bad, I shall, I am sure, be worse. That I have stayed long time idle in the market-place deserves reprehension, but if I am late sent into the vineyard I have encouragement to work, I will give unto this last as unto thee.

[ARTHUR WARWICK, 1637.]

PROTECTION AGAINST VARIABLE CLIMATES. THERE is nothing in Nature more inconstant than the British climate, if we except the humour of its inhabitants. We have frequently in one day all the seasons of the year. I have shivered in the dog-days, and been forced to throw off my coat in January; I have gone to bed in August, and rose in December.

I remember a very whimsical fellow, (commonly known by the name of Posture-master,) in king Charles the Second's reign, who was the plague of all the tailors about town. He would often send for one of them to take measure of him, but would so contrive it as to have a most immoderate rising in one of his shoulders. When the clothes were brought home and tried upon him, the deformity was removed into the other shoulder. Úpon which the tailor begged pardon for the mistake, and mended it as fast as he could, but upon a third trial found him a straightshouldered man as one would desire to see, but a little unfortunate in a hump-back. In short, this wandering tumour puzzled all the workmen about town, who found it impossible to accommodate so changeable a customer. My reader will apply this to any one who would adapt a suit to a season of our English climate.

After this short descant on the uncertainty of our English weather, I come to my moral.

A man should take care that his body be not too soft for his climate; but, rather, if possible, harden and season himself beyond the degree of cold wherein he lives. Daily experience teaches us how we may inure ourselves by custom to bear the extremities of weather without injury. The inhabitants of Nova Zembla go naked, without complaining of the bleakness of the air in which they are born, as the armies of the northern nations keep the field all winter. The softest of our British ladies expose their arms and necks to the open air, which the men could not do without catching cold, for want of being accustomed to it. The whole body by the same means might contract the same firmness and temper. The Scythian that was asked how it was possible for the inhabitants of his frozen cltmate to go naked, replied, "Because we are all over face."

I verily believe a cold bath would be one of the most healthful exercises in the world, were it made use of in the education of youth. It would make their bodies more than proof to the injuries of the air and weather. It would be something like what the poets tell us of Achilles, whom his mother is said to have dipped, when he was a child, in the River Styx. The story adds that this made him invulnerable all over, excepting that part which his mother held in her hand during this immersion, and which by that means lost the benefit of those hardening waters. Our common practice runs in a quite contrary method. We are perpetually softening ourselves by good fires and warm clothes. The air within our rooms has generally two or three more degrees of heat in it than the air without doors.

Crassus is an old lethargic valetudinarian; for these twenty years last past he has been clothed in frieze of the same colour and of the same piece. He fancies he should catch his death in any other kind of manufacture. He could no more live without his frieze-coat than without his skin. It is not indeed so properly his coat as what the anatomists call one of the integuments of the body.

How different an old man is Crassus from myself. It is indeed the particular distinction of the Ironsides to be robust and hardy, to defy the cold and rain, and let the weather do its worst. My father lived till a hundred without a cough, and we have a tradition in the family that my grandfather used to throw off his hat, and go open-breasted after fourscore. As for myself, they used to souse me over head and ears in water when I was a boy, so that I am now looked upon as one of the most case-hardened of the whole family of the Ironsides. In short, I have been so plunged in water, and inured to the cold, that I regard myself as a piece of true-tempered steel, and can say with the above mentioned Scythian, that I am face, or if my enemies please, forehead, all over.-Guardian.

Ir is in the time of trouble, when some, to whom we may have looked for consolation and encouragement, regard us with coldness, and others perhaps treat us with hostility, that the warmth of the friendly heart, and the support of the friendly hand, acquire increased value, and demand additional gratitude.--BISHOP MANT.

JOHN W. PARKER, PUBLISHER, WEST STRAND, LONDON,

I. AMOY.

In previous volumes of the Saturday Magazine we have given a historical notice of the origin and progress of the British trade in China; of the city and province of Canton; and of the manners and customs of the Chinese in general; thus presenting such interesting details respecting the remarkable inhabitants of this great empire, as the sources of information up to the present eventful period had enabled us to collect.

But our recent contest with the Celestial Empire, and the interest which has now become attached to those portions of China which have been the scene of conflict, or which are thrown open to us by the late treaty, have caused so much inquiry on the subject, and have clothed the accounts of the latest writers with so great a charm, that we proceed to place before our readers a particular notice of the towns most frequently named in connexion with late events; and especially of the five ports now opened to British enterprise and commerce; together with such additional notices of the Chinese character and condition as our increased acquaintance with their country has enabled us to obtain. A clearer idea will be gained of the subject if our readers will refer to a map of China, as they peruse these articles. They will meet with some inaccuracies in most of our maps, when compared with the latest intelligence, yet they will find it advantageous to consult them.

The five ports we shall notice in the following order VOL. XXII.

III. NING-PO.

IV. SHANG-HAI. V. CANTON. Amoy is a celebrated sea-port in the province of Fokien, on the eastern coast of China, and it will be seen by reference to our illustration, that its scenery has somewhat of a picturesque character, although not indicative of great fertility. Amoy is seated on the left side of a bay which deeply indents the country and forms numerous islands. The importance of this place as a British trading post may be estimated by the description of the city given by the Rev. Mr. Gutzlaff.

hundred thousand inhabitants. All its streets are narrow, The city is very extensive, and contains at least two the temples numerous, and a few large houses owned by wealthy merchants. Its excellent harbour has made it from time immemorial one of the greatest emporiums of the empire, and one of the most important markets of Asia. Vessels can sail up close to the houses, load and unload with entering or leaving the port experience no danger of getting the greatest facility, have shelter from all winds, and in ashore. The whole adjacent country being sterile, forced the inhabitants to seek some means of subsistence. Endowed with an enterprising spirit and unwearied in the pursuit or gain, they visited all parts of the Chinese empire, gradually became bold sailors, and settled as merchants all along the coast. Thus they colonized Formosa, which from that period to this has been their granary; visited and settled in the Indian Archipelago, Cochin-China, and Siam. A popufor their subsistence, and this they found in colonization. lation constantly overflowing demanded constant resources

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