forty-sixth article of the constitution, shall be brought to trial, in case it cannot be done in the prescribed ten days, reckoned from their arrest. 4th. It annuls the sentences of the criminal and civil courts, when they endanger the safety of the state. Lastly, It dissolves the legislative body, and the tribunate, and appoints the consuls." Thus trial by jury is arbitrarily liable to be withdrawn; and a still further encroachment on this most essential provision for public freedom has since taken place. "Where the juries still exist, their jurisdiction is curtailed by what is called the police correctionelle, which is exercised by a single judge, and some justices of the peace, as assessors, to whom a great many cases are refered, as being of too little consequence to go before a jury. It is further retrenched, by submitting all cases of forgery, assassination, arson, &c. to the special tribunals, whose arbitrary mode of proceeding has been noticed above. "Thus has Bonaparte, by the abolition of the national militia, by the weakening and annihilation of the genuine trial by jury, and by the destruction of the freedom of the press, undermined the three grand pillars of a republican constitution; and that without even introducing a well-ordered legal monarchical establishment; but a mere provisory government, subject to every alteration he thinks proper, and exposed to every inconvenience and disadvantage that can result from the detestable corruption of the public officers, inseparable from such a government, and without the possibility of any legal opposition. It is only by forcible resistance that the people will be able in future to deliver themselves from their new oppressions, which far exceed those under the old corrupt inonarchy. Thus does Bonaparte prepare new revolutions for the nation, already corrupted by every abuse of government, as torn by all the horrors of anarchy; and he has, indeed, but too much reason to be upon his guard, and to protect himself by every despotic mca sure. "All these, however, will be found insufficient to insure his safety, if he continues to incense the nation by his boundless nepotism, and spirit of patronage, in which he goes to work without the smallest precaution or decency. Who would think of being offended with him, powerful as he is, for making, with prudence and moderation, the fortune of his family? But to give to a family so numerous, who are besides strangers in the land, every thing, without distinction, that the most voluptuous and licentious avarice and vanity can covet; while his own legal income is still very limited, and therefore affords no appearance of personal sacrihees or generosity, to bestow on innumerable brothers, brothers in law, uncles, cousins, and their whole train, all the first places, without any regard to their talents and cha racters! to heap several offices upon every one of them; to make them every where preside in the electoral meetings, as in the constituted bodies! to have all brilliant lucrative affairs transacted by them alone! Such exclusive profusion surpasses all papal, princely, and patrician nepotism, hitherto known! These must rank in future history, as inferior to consular nepotism, as the old Roman im perial power and arrogance must yield the palm to our consular despotism!" The following sketch of the emperor deserves notice for its colouring. "All their writers of the last century, from Montesquieu to Mirabeau, nay even to the very latest, Necker, Riouffe, Mounier, and Chenier, represent their own nation as se morally and politically debased, that neither a good constitution, with obedience to it, nor a durable, consistent opposition to bad one, nor ever an enlightened judgmer concerning it, is to be expected from them With this want of solid judgment, con sistency, character, and active patriotism, i is to be wondered that, during a revolution of fifteen years, a nan did not sooner anse who united in himself the talents of the w rior and statesman, courage and audacity, w and power, successfully to seize on the whol government of the state. Even he who a length attempts it with success, was not t be a Frenchman, as if the old national vice had so poisoned and weakened every see! that no man of a fixed manly character, not perfect egotist, who aims only at what i highest, and only for himself, not even a 2 nuine tyrant, could be produced in the nat itself! It was necessary that such a should spring from an inconsiderable is... the national character of whose inhabitant is, in almost every particular, diametric.... opposite to that of the French: it was creed that, for his guidance towards desp ism, he should, in the course of his si life, see the French pass through all... every state to which a great nation can t subject; and that in all these states he sho find it the same vain, uninformed, unste faithless, cruel, thoughtless nation, w which its earlier history had already rehim acquainted! His Cæsar and Machi had already told him, that this nation t indeed, courage enough for a furious attar but has neither patience nor strength for psevering opposition, for the manly sup of unavoidable evil which leads to good." This whole work is rather more co secrated to the political, than the tistical, state of France; but includes t following just remark: "Farmers have in general been the c gainers Ly the revolution; from a gr... facility in bequeathing by will; from the abolition of feudal restraints; of mains mortes; by the undisturbed possession and free alienation of all landed property; and lastly, by the division of land into smaller estates. Hence also the change in respect to money; formerly it flowed through the country to the cities; now it remains in free circulation in the country. This is attended with two very happy consequences. More land is actually cultivated than before, and in a better manner; and the stock of cattle is much more considerable. "All the means for far greater augmentation and improvement are at hand. At the same time, many other channels for industry have been opened, which were formerly uch obstructed in France; such as ship building, manufactories, and commerce. "The latter have been particularly enlarged, as the high nobility can engage in them without disgrace, and actually do so.. Madame de Turenne has placed one of her sons in a great commercial concern; and in several other houses in Paris, many noble youths are engaged in mercantile business. "Others of the nobility employ their capitals in manufactories. But this branch of industry is prosecuted with the least profit of any, the national character and the course of business hitherto being too much at variance with it. An incredible want of a spirit of order prevails in the whole nation; as much, perhaps more, than the want of solid knowedge and genuine experience. He who undertakes a great manufactory must absolutely have theoretical, scientific knowledge; he must have real experience of his own, not mere routine, and be possessed of a solid capital, or credit. Now all these are seldom found together in France, where manufactories are generally conducted on a small scale compared with those of the English, and where all is rather hindered than promoted by an arbitrary mode of proceeding. Most of the manufacturers are forced to engage in mpanies, which are attended with great davantages. Capitalists who form such eletes are mostly inexperienced; they coufound speculation and commerce with the arts of manufactory, which pre-supposes theory founded on experience. Such capifaits are besides vain, they begin with great buildings, with elegant dwelling-houses. The Enlishman, on the contrary, begins with smalt hired or slight buildings. The spirit of gambling prevalent in the nation, produces also in these undertakers the rage of making a speedy fortune. Their prodigal way of living, which extends to the subalterns and workmen, consumes a great part of the ca pital, and corrupts the morals of their servants. Hence arises the complaint, universal in all such undertakings, administration mange tout.' Hence, in general, the fourth company are the first gainers by such great undertakings. The first consume their money in building and parade; the second in expe riments; the third continues to cominit blunders in business and management. These causes deter many from great undertakings which would raise the national industry." The greatest reliance may be placed on this excellent account. It deserves to be read by every friend to human improvement; it must convince every one, that the ascent of Bonaparte to power terminated an anarchy, from which there was hope, by a despotism which leaves no hope; and that his sway must be numbered among the scourges of his country, the crosses of Europe, and the calamities of mankind. Much is said on the topic of public instruction: the writer seems to have a system of his own, and to believe that too much cannot be done by the magistrate for patronizing the teachers of language and of science. We recommend an attentive perusal of the third part of Adam Smith's fifth book. Let those who want instruction club for it. The French have contrived lectureships and professorships for every man of literary eminence in Paris. What is the consequence? The fear of losing their salaries makes them silent while they disapprove. Schemes of public instruction easily be come ministerial jobs; and may hire the literary priesthood of philosophy, to all the servility which it imputes to the christian clergy. ART. XXX. Apperçu de la Nation Française comme Puissance militaire depuis le Commencement de la Revolution, Sc. 8vo. pp. 104. THIS commendable, but declamatory pamphlet, consists of several distract essays. 1. The preliminary discourse contains common-places against the rapacity of France; laments the publication of Why do we go to war ?" which, however convincing, was but mustard after dinner; and exhorts the British multitude, in very fine French, ANN. REV. VOL. III. to arm and fight for the country, promising eternal beatitnde to the slain. To this discourse is attached, exactly in the most pious part of it, a diverting anecdote of some French swindlers who cheated a banker's son. 2. The second part treats of the French army, and merits perusal; we suspect it does not contain the freshest intelligence of its con S condition; but the information is often remarkable. We much doubt the follow ing assertion at p. 15. "The French artillery only preserves the name of the antient establishment: it is at present ignorant, unskilful, and inferior to every other military department. The French movements of the infantry being thus not subjected to those of the artillery, are freer and lighter. They repair this omission, which is perhaps wise, by placing their cannon according to the necessities of the ground; and by their horse-artillery, which is composed of chosen soldiers, who expose themselves unsparingly. This artillery has contributed es sentially to their successes; it is superior to common artillery in that the men are picked; it repairs, by boldness and celerity, the want of skill and experience; and is a substitute for that lagging artillery, which interferes with the speed of armies." attach no cannons to their battalions. The Professional men will find other similar notices, which deserve to be taken into consideration. On a parade-day at Paris, cannon-races take place in the court of the Thuilleries, and form the most striking spectacle of the review. On very high wheels, which out-top the postilions, the cannons are mounted, and dragged about with a team of eight horses in full gallop, round and round the oval course; so that a flying artillery forms an habitual object of attention. Carnot observed to an acquaintance the writer, that the hopes of French m thematics were chiefly dispersed amon the engineers, which implies an instruc ed staff. The polytechnic school h long been distributing among select F pils, all the military sciences, throug the best teachers. It cannot be, th this department of the French arm should deserve to be branded as ign rant. 3. The third dissertation is parallel, between the policy of the Fre and of the Romans. No doubt t French have made the Romans th models; Montesquieu and Mably ha so willed it: the first taught their pl of conquest; the second their plan negotiation. Our author observes, ( 53), "The French are in the middle Europe. Petersburg, Constantinop Madrid, and London, are less dista from Paris than Carthage, Antioc Alexandria, and Babylon, were fro Rome." He infers that they are in da ger of a like fate. The true remedy to place great nations, instead of litt ones, along the French frontier. G Holland, Hanover, Osnaburg, Breme to Prussia, if it will but undertake t conquest of all Westphalia and Frans nia. 4. Some remarks are made on t Russian armies. 5 and 6. Observation occur on musquetry and barracks. Th pamphlet is adapted for exportation. ART. XXXI. The official Defence of General Moreau before the Tribunal at Paris, Translated from the original French, which has been suppressed in France. 8vo. pp. Ils THE charges against Moreau amount at most to this, that he gave indirect encouragement to Pichegru, by holding two interviews with him, not for the royalist purposes of that ex-general, but with a view to enable the senate to recover an authority, unconstitutionally absorbed by the first consul. Under the fourth count of the indictment, the most suspicious circumstances are adduced. We transcribe that part of the defence. "FOURTH COUNT. Interview with Pichegru and other accused Persons. Propositions made and received. "It was more than seven months that Moreau had heard nothing of Lajolais, when toward the end of last winter, that general came to see him, when Moreau, greatly to his surprise, learnt that Pichegru was in Paris.-Lajolais then pressed him to give Piche gru a meeting, to confer with him on the means of getting leave to return to Frane Moreau refused, and observed, that Pich being here without leave of governme might be arrested, and that he, Moren did not chuse to run the risk of seen hin arrested, perhaps, during their in silly inferences that might be drawn fr view, and thereby expose himself to all t it: inferences from which he had sufficien suffered on account of his letter of the Fructidor of the year 5, then so imperfer understood by the public mind. Lajo returned to the charge, and proposed sever places, insisting much on the desire of Pict gru to speak with him; Moreau persisted o his side, and absolutely refused. " He thought then to have heard no mot of it; when one day, at the end of Pluvio last year, about eight at night, when Lajla and two other persons were announced, la mounted into the saloon, where he foun Lajolais, Pichegru, and Couchery. Couch was the friend of Lajolais, who had call some months previously to ask if he had ar letters to send to Pichegru, to which Morea had answered, that he had nothing, and th he would not write to him while he was in a foreign country at war with France. Moreau was extremely vexed to see Pithegra, after what had passed in the year 5; he never could have been easy if he had been arrested in his house. They entered into a library adjoining the saloon, where they remained a few minutes. "Pichegru then spoke of nothing but his erasure from the list of emigrants, and his desire to live in France, and of the means of getting a passport to leave it. Moreau advised him in that case to quit England, and retire for some time into Germany. He also pressed Pichegru to go away. He added, that he would have seen him with pleasure, if he could have been of use to him, but that not being the case, he wished not to see him any more. They remained together about fifteen minutes. On rejoining Lajolais, Moa reproached him with having brought Pichegru, and desired, with regard to himself, that he hoped he would never return. "Nothing can be more free from guilt than that interview. As a proof that it was of no importance, it was too short for a first meeting on any thing of consequence relative la conspiracy. Besides, even according to the accusation itself, it is at the second eting that the opening of the conspiracy is introduced. "Moreau would not again see either Pithegru or Lajolais; he had declared so forally to both. Lajolais, indeed, never came back: but a few days afterwards M. Roland, who in the years 4, 5, 8, and 9, had served soder general Moreau, at the army of the Rhine, as inspector of transports, and who had been in the habit of waiting on him ocasionally to pay his respects, arrived one morning, and asked for a meeting with Pibegru, who lodged at his house. Moreau efused. When Roland said he had somehing very important to communicate. Moa persisted in not seeing him, but, in order to soften a harsh message to an old riend in adversity, said that he would send bus secretary to know what general Pichegru wanted. "He waited very patiently for an answer, when in the evening Pichegru arrived. Momau was told that one wanted him. He went into his closet, and to his great surprise fond Pichegru. Moreau was very vexed; bat Pichegra was there. Nothing indiscreet en his part had taken place at the last intertw, and it would have been ridiculous and unbecoming to make a disturbance by turning him to the door. "The conversation began. Pichegru at first spoke of his personal embarrassments, of pports, and of returning to France. After seme vague observations, Pichegru turned the conversation upon politics. That was not extraordinary between two men who had acted great a part. Pichegru spoke of the invaSon of England, the dangers attending the absence of the first consul from Paris for public tranquillity, and the consequences of a miscarriage. It was then that Pichegru alluded to the changes that had taken place in public opinion, on the abstract ideas of republican government. He spoke of the Bourbons, of their misfortunes, and of their rights, without opening any plan or settled project, speaking by hypothesis-if the descent on England should prove unfortunate; if in consequence of that misfortune parties rose up again to tear their country afreshhe tried to sound Moreau on that subject, and his dispositions towards that family. It was, then, for the first time, that Moreau came at the knowledge, not of a conspiracy, but the slight insinuations of an opening for one. As to Moreau, he repulsed all those insinuations, drily, laconically, and decidedly. He spoke to Pichegru of such things as being incompatible with the new ideas of the nation, and in themselves ridiculous. It was then that he conducted himself the best of any time in all the business. Pichegru became taciturn, and the meeting was finished with a request on the part of Moreau, for him never to return, which Pichegru promised. Moreau and he separated very coolly, Pichegru with an air of discontent. "The discontent of Pichegru is a thing well ascertained, since Roland, who cannot be suspected of affection for general Moreau, says, that in returning to Moreau, he did not agree with him. Lajolais and Couchery say that he looked much discontented, and the words they attribute to him are an unequivocal proof that he was so. However that may be, he never again returned to Moreau-Lajolais had also been forbidden, so that every connection between Moreau and Pichegru was at an end, except that Roland had not yet been forbidden to return. "Roland returned next day, and made the conversation turn on the same subjects with those on which Pichegru had spoke. Moreau, in a conversation with a man whom he had known for six or eight years, traced the ideas of Pichegru; but the whole, as he himself allows, was treated by Moreau as ridiculous folly. He then asked Moreau, in case of new troubles, if he had never thought of seizing some authority, which appeared to Moreau to be ridiculous; that he answered with a smile of contempt: That if there were troubles, the senate would be there; as to himself, he was not a madman; that before a private individual like himself, retired from military affairs and men in pow er, could turn in his mind any project of ambition, the whole government must be overturned, and that the consul, his family, and all those now in power, must be destroy ed; and that if ever he had wished for power, it would have been when he was at the head of armies.' There he finished, and Roland, rather abruptly conducted to the door, went away." capable of, and cultivating, with as m assiduity as ever, all kinds of lau knowledge. He added, that this spe This last passage is interpreted by the enemies of Moreau, as a vile hint to the party in concert with Pichegru; whereas every candid man will prefer to considércle made him think it was rather h it, as expressive of aversion to foul means, and as a proof that the ambition of Moreau was subordinate to his virtue. Nor is the evidence of Roland, who seems to have been cajoled by the government, very decisive of the fact itself. Supposing the words to have been used, they rather account for, than justify, the banishment of Moreau. Brutus, in the book which he wrote on virtue, related that he had seen Marcellus in exile at Mitylene, living in all the happiness which human nature is went into banishment, since he wa return without the other, than the c who remained in it. May the en Moreau be softened, by employ as ennobling, and by consolers as trious: let him believe that, if his citizens amend, he will be recalled; that, if they do not amend, he can! where worse than at Paris. The miny remains with them who pers unjustly, not with him who suffers persecution. ART. XXXII. An Essay on the Political Relations between Russia and France; Remarks by the Translator, H. F. GREVILLE, Esq. 8vo. pp. 56. THE pamphlet before us is ascribed to a chevalier de Tinseau, from whom a letter addressed to the translator has been prefixed. This abounds with anglicisms to a degree which excites the suspicion of its having pre-existed in English. Whether Tinseau be the nom of a British agent; or whether the chevalier, by long residence here, has somewhat unlearnt his native idiom, is of little consequence. He sounds an alarm, which is of consequence, to the continent, for its own sake; and to Great Britain, in as much as anti-gallicanism is de guerre our habitual interest. The prominent observations are comprized'in the following passage. "Let us now consider this vast empire, towards the complete formation of which the French are advancing with such rapid strides. through derision the king of Etruria vast extent of country, containing alo about sixty-five millions of subje vered against the attacks of all the sove in Europe by that formidable frontier a specified, and which through the three hundred leagues, extends fro mouths of the Po to those of the R to the Zuyderzee. In front of this l tween the Rhine on one side, and the sian and Austrian dominion on the a crowd of petty states, enemies or m each other, without armies, withe tresses, open every where to the France, trembling before her, and in obedient to her orders. In the mur this enormous aggrandisement is not merely to some fortunate casualties, long, an obstinate, and most extensiv mixed alternately with many succes reverses of fortune. Fourteen years trigues, seductions, negotiations, and crimes of every sort, have carried! to this height of power; and it is to served, that she has never ceded nor an inch of ground by the negotiations pacifications that have taken place. "There remain but two steps more "Its basis consists of France, the Low Countries, Holland, Germany on the left side of the Rhine, Swisserland, Piedmont, be said, all the north of Italy, and, it may along the Po to the Adige, containing a contaken by the French government, to centrated population of forty-five millions of boundaries of this empire as immu inhabitants. On the southern side of this those of nature itself: herein they h basis are Spain and Portugal, both submis- occupied ever since the commencement sively subservient to the impulse of France, war, under the imposing pretext of under the name of free states, until it shall England; one of these steps is towa please Bonaparte to deprive them of it. The north-east, that is to say, Copenha French empire confines and separates them the entrance into the Baltic; the off from the rest of the world, the combined ef- wards Constantinople, and the entranc the Black Sca. forts of which may revenge, but not wrest The them from its oppressive influence. "Already has an army victorious wi south of Italy is no less dependent on France fighting, and become mistress of is governed by one of Bonaparte's lieute- which characterises French politics than the most central of its departments, and through that mixture of intrigues and r nants, under the fictitious regimen of the upon both sides of the Elbe; it to king of Naples, the pope, and what he stiles Baltic, and severs Denmark from the |