THIS admirable pamphlet is drawn up with a dexterity of conciseness, and a closeness of argument, which entitle it to high rank as a literary production. It has for its object to point out the inexpediency of patronizing missions in Hindostan. The mutiny at Vellore is a strong proof to how great dangers British power may become exposed in the East, by a needless irritation of the religious prejudices of the Hindoos. The attachment of these nations for their opinions, exceeds that of any Christian state: they have been known to suffer death by famine in thousands, sooner than eat forbidden flesh. If they once suppose their religion in danger from British ascendancy,

their fanaticism is likely to realize Sicilian vespers. To translate the Bible into the various Oriental languages, is a service to literature; but to employ itinerant commentators to explain it, is to distribute questionable instruction, and to volunteer supererogatory piety.

In most countries there are some opinions which interfere with the greatest sum of human happiness: these opinions the philosopher should gently endeavour to eradicate. But a long patient observation of the climate, the manners, the laws, and the connected sentiments of a people, is necessary, to discriminate between its useful and its pernicious opinions.

THE troubles of San Domingo, the waste and retardation of cargoes occasioned by war, the speculative spirit of the Hamburgh merchants, and other temporary causes, raised, not many years ago, the price of sugar high above its average level. New lands were immediately devoted to the cultivation of it; additional labourers were procured from Africa, and additional overseers from Scotland; until at length the production of sugar exceeds the habitual demand, and the price is consequently descending below the average level.

If, when sugar was dear, the West Indian planters had accepted a tax on their rentals equivalent to the discharge of ten millions of the national debt, it might be equitable to solicit, now, some alleviation of the burden. But as their rapid inclosure of wastes was motived by the expectation of profit, and was for a long time attended with an

almost excessive remuneration, they ought to bear with tranquillity the present natural change. Dearth begets Plenty.

The sugar-cane, though much cultivated in the Caribbee islands, is not at home in such soils it is a marsh-plant, which thrives far better in the dark savannas of Guyana. If an estate of 200 negroes produces 150 hogsheads of sugar in Antigua, an estate of 200 negroes will produce 200 hogsheads of sugar on the Surinam coast. The risk of drought and of hurricanes, the mortality of slaves, the fee.simple of land, are all so much less on the continent, that, at a price which half ruins the insular planters, those of the Demerary can continue to raise sugar with a profit. The labour of mules to carry sugar-canes from the field to the mill, is necessary in the islands: this is accomplished in the Dutch settlements by means of canals, which give them an incal

culable and insuperable advantage in the competition. No tricks of legislation can long resist such tendencies to the migration of prosperity. The island planters must remove their machinery and their slaves to the Courantine and the Pomaroon: those, who migrate first, will lose least.

The desertion of the Caribbee islands, or the conversion of them into olive-yards and mulberrygrounds, for the purpose of furnishing oil and silk, would about reduce the quantity of terrestrial surface employed in the growth of sugar to the desirable lesser extent. While too much sugar is growing, new uses should be sought for it. The Chunam of the East Indies is a beautiful species of stucco, which emulates the polish and whiteness of the finest marble: it is composed of a mixture of lime and sugar. Cannot British luxury rival this composition? In British wines, sugar may be rendered a cheaper ingredient than raisins. Raisins and figs might supplant the sugar-cane. So might cochineal and indigo. Citrate of lime could be prepared in the West Indies more economically than here it is profusely used by the cotton-printers. The laziness of the tropical planters will perhaps be overcome by the present fortunate cheapness of sugar; and new articles of growth and consumption

will be taught to luxuriate where the sugar-cane has withered.

This writer seems to think that government ought to interfere for preventing that diminution of rent, which a series of cheap years always occasions. The diminution of rent is a good to him who hires, and there are more birers than letters. The diminution of the value of any produce, is a good to him who consumes, and there are more consumers than growers. How impudently unjust it is in the few to solicit burdening the many for their own alleviation! yet one of the proposals of our author is to provide a fund for a bounty on the export of sugar, partly from the extant revenue, and partly from an increased duty on the home consumer.

Whatever portion of evil or inconvenience is brought on the West Indies by our legislation, ought no doubt to be removed. One inconvenience is the shutting of the West-India market against the contiguous purchaser in North America. Let this monopolous restriction vanish: if it be persevered in, the banks of the Mississipi, and not those of the Essequebo, will shortly engross all the sugar-cultivation of the world.

This pamphlet contains much irrelevant matter, and is very defective as a literary composition.

This writer, properly, recommends a great reduction of the growth of sugar, as the only efficacacious remedy for the present glut of the sugar-market.

He recommends, as improperly, a restitution of the conquered colonies to the Dutch at the next peace. Whereas the coast of Guyana is of more value than all the Caribbee islands united; and ought, both as the territory where sugar can be raised cheapest of any other in the world, and as the greatest eventual market for our manufactures, which can thence most effectually penetrate into South America, to be retained-if necessary, at the expense and with the sacrifice of all our insular property.

The best defense against a voluntary transfer of the dominion of the West-Indian islands to the United States, is to admit the American purchaser on the same terms as the British merchant.

The high price of cotton, of indigo, of cochineal, is a great and notorious misfortune to our manufactures, whose vent always extends in proportion to their cheapness. If any alertness of industry existed in the tropical climates, not the Spanish, but the English colonies would long ago have been in possession of the

whole supply of the British market. The impossibility of disposing of their old articles of produce is the only radical cure for this impatriotic negligence. Those planters, who vary their attention with the demand, will retain their rank of opulence; those, who indolently persevere in the beaten track, will, as they ought, incur a diminution of prosperity. If by premiums, bounties, drawbacks, and allowances, government could defer the expedient appropriation of the several lands in the West Indies, it would be grossly criminal to make the attempt. Happily regulation is as impotent, as it is unwise and unjust. No artificial encouragement can long occasion the absorption of superfluous produce: so much land, as any specific bounty will hire the cultivation of, is soon appropriated accordingly; and then begins anew the natural operation of the effectual demand.

To open the West Indian market to the American purchaser on the same terms as to the British, is an obvious duty. Unless means can be found to enable our merchants to supply the European continent without incurring a greater charge for freight and insurance than the Americans, the trade must eventually emigrate. If these departments of industry can be duly exercised at home, the rivality of Americans in the market for produce is not at all to be feared.

The statistical particulars promulgated in this pamphlet seem principally derived from the West India Common Place Book of Sir W. Young, a work inaccurately printed, but highly meritorious, which was examined attentively in our last volume.

that even the smallest of his effusions is secure of that extensive regard, which is the prerogative of moral worth. After yielding a steady and finally triumphant assistance to the Society for abolishing the Slave-Trade, he now proceeds to direct the attention of the same persons to the abolition of Slavery itself.

He contends, (p. 5.) that the System of Colonial Law, which tolerates slavery, is contrary to the Jaws of God, natural and revealed; and consequently is contrary to the English constitution.

After endeavouring to prove these points, by appeals to humanity, to scripture, and to the panegyrists of our laws, Mr. Sharp proceeds to contend, (p. 7.) that the System of Colonial Law (excuse the bull) is totally illegal, and ought speedily to be abolished; and that a gradual emancipation of the negroes ought immediately to be undertaken.

We entirely coincide in the fundamental opinion of Mr. Sharp, that the abolition of negro-slavery, in the most expeditious manner consistent with the interests of public tranquillity, security, and property, ought to become a care and a pursuit of the British legisla

ture.

This may, as we have been led to think, best be effected, by altering the poor-laws of the West Indies: so as to take off from individual estates the burden of maintaining during want and decrepitude the negroes ascribed to the soil; by imposing a general rate for main

taining the necessitous negroes of whatever description. To emancipate the diseased and the aged would then become a regular practice. A great number of these would soon be found able to maintain themselves; by gardening, by keeping fowls, or by letting their aid in busy seasons for the versatile occupations of the place. Thus a considerable free population would soon be separated from the vassal population, and would exercise for hire many of the agricultural arts.

In order to form a middle class, or higher order, of free inhabitants, a second regulation is necessary. It is this: To decree that all persons of mixed blood, born within the present century, are born free. At present, the offspring is doomed to the condition of the mother. Many tawney children are slaves to their own fathers; and are sometimes found incapable of inheriting the amount of patrimony bequeathed to them; because their father did not live to emancipate them. With a declaratory act of this kind, parliament might expediently begin its interference. The revolution it would occasion will be sufficiently prepared, before the year 1821, when its operation would begin.

Specific propositions for the amelioration of the political condition of the blacks ought eagerly to be made here, and in the West Indies: some projects will occur compatible with the present state of prejudices and interests, and therefore of easy execution.

THIS pamphlet speculates much about commerce in general; but is chiefly valuable for that part relating to the West-Indian trade, concerning which the author seems

to possess peculiar means of information and anxiety of interference.

Why not commute the internal duty on sugar for an additional window.tax; and throw open wholly,