tegrity of our countrymen were known and esteemed be-honourable race. We gladly mention two of the former, yond the limits of our political power. whose names, unmusical though they be, will deserve to There is happily no want, even at points more distant be here recorded-Baboo Dwarkanath Tagore, and Baboo than Affghanistan, of that confidence which is the vital Moty Loll Seal-who have recently dedicated the large principle of commerce. Sir Alexander Burnes says, speak sum of ten thousand pounds each, the former to the erecing of the traders and bankers of Bokhara,-"We could tion of an asylum for the blind, the latter to an hospital Such fruits as these seem not but feel gratified at the favourable opinion entertained for destitute lying-in women. by them of the British in India. One of them, Sirwas to show, that the Upas tree of Hindooism is now witherKhan, a Lohanee merchant of great opulence, to whoming; for they could not have been produced beneath its we were never introduced, offered us any money we might baneful shadow. require, and did it in a manner that left us no doubt of his sincerity." We may calculate, without doubt, that this favourable impression will have gained strength from recent political events, and from the general conduct of our troops and civil officers in Affghanistan. Dr. Lord says, that" the restoration of Shah Shooja will give us great renown through the whole Uzbek nation." From the Asiatic Journal. ANECDOTE, TRANSLATED FROM THE Ya'kub We trust that prompt and effectual measures will be taken to follow out Sir A. Burnes's proposition to establish Ya'küb ben Laith, before he became king, was one day a commercial entrepot, with an annual fair, at Dera Ghazee sitting somewhere in company with the youths of his tribe, Khan, or some more eligible point, if such there be, upon when an old man, one of his relations, joined them. He the Indus. That officer and Dr. Lord clearly prove, that said: "O Ya'küb, you are become a comely and intelligent such a plan is entirely accordant with the genius of the young man; acquire a suitable dower, that we may ask people with whom we have to deal; that it has been pur. for you a fair bride from the nobles of the clan." sued with eminent success by the Russians; that the "Father," replied the youth, "I have already provided "What is it?" said the old man. Affghans, and Uzbeks, and Toorkmans beyond them, have the dower." both a strong taste for many articles of our staple manu- drew his sword from the scabbard, and replied: "I have factures, and the means, in the wool of their "countless asked as my bride the Empire of the East and West; and flocks," their silk, dyes, drugs, gold, &c., to pay for them; her dower shall be this bright blade, and this corsletand that our present position and relations give us the piercing sword: complete command of this great commercial line as far at least as Bokhara. The Commercial Reports published by the Supreme Government at Calcutta, contain much valuable information as to the demands and products of the countries now newly opened to us. They show that the Indus will give us, not as generally misapprehended, cus- River will I ford, and mountain cross: tomers on its immediate banks, for such do not at present Simurgh-like, will I gather underneath my wing both sea exist to any considerable extent, but the key to the comand land: Will, ere long, clasp in his embrace the bride of empire;" merce of Central Asia. They show, too, how we may Either, with my wish attained, will I plant my foot on the most effectually baffle the schemes of Russia, "by fair head of the sphere, bition! commercial rivalry;" and attach to us the nations that Or else manfully lay down my life in pursuit of my amoccupy the vast tracts between our respective frontiers, by the strongest ties of mutual commercial interest. KALSOMINE. In Calcutta, there is reason to believe that the genius of commerce is co-operating with other influences for the moral emancipation and advancement of the people. By raising men of low caste to opulence, whilst at the same time it enlightens and enlarges their minds, and places! The London Atheneum says that a new and inodorous them in intimate relations with well-informed and benevo-sort of paint, the invention of Miss Fanny Corbeaux, has lent Englishmen, it must tend to render the yoke of Brah- lately been introduced to public notice. The materials of minical tyranny, the worship of logs of wood and lumps which it is composed, are at first soluble in water; and of stone, and the whole system of caste, contemptible as while in this state admit of the design being effaced, or a well as intolerable. The sons of such persons will start portion of the colouring of a wall or ceiling being removed, with advantages of education which their fathers did not if necessary, a subsequent operation renders the paint inenjoy. It is impossible that they should not feel, towards soluble, by a chemical change of the properties of the matheir priests and more bigoted countrymen, the emotions terial, which fixes the colour durably. It is free from any which made Cato wonder that one augur could meet an- offensive smell, dries in a few hours, is not acted upon inother without laughing in his face. Even the men of the juriously by atmospheric influences, and is more durable present generation are rapidly freeing themselves from than oil paint, as well as more agreeable to the eye, and prejudice. Some of them are keeping abreast of their not at all prejudicial to the health; indeed, a room painted English fellow-citizens in public-spirited exertions for the with it one day, may be inhabited the next. It may also general good; and even outstripping them in works of be- be made applicable to easel painting. nevolence, altogether foreign to the selfish and exclusive genius of their religion. Whether commerce be the cause or not, the more eminent Hindoo, Mahomedan, and Parsee merchants are far in advance of their countrymen in this HEN'S EGGS. A writer in the Farmer's Cabinet, corroborates a fact mentioned by a writer more than two thousand years ago, viz.: that hen's eggs which are nearly round, invariably produce female chickens, and those which are long or pointed, produce cocks. From the Edinburgh Review. FOREIGN POLICY OF GREAT BRITAIN. 1. Papers respecting the North American Boundary between the British Provinces and the United States. Presented to Parliament. 1840. 2. Memoranda on the Contest in Spain. By Sir DE LACY EVANS, M. P. 8vo. London: 1840. 3. Report on the Prussian Commercial Union. Presented to Parliament. 1840. 4. An Examination of the Origin, Progress, and Tendency of the Commercial and Political Confederation against England and France, called the Prussian League. By WILLIAM CAR GILL. 8vo. Newcastle: 1840. against our travellers. Guernsey, Jersey, Alderney, "The fool returns then perfectly well bred IT has often been a matter of observation and of just complaint, that, except in extreme cases and under peculiar circumstances, the British public manifest a careless indifference on the subject of foreign affairs, quite unexampled in the history of other nations. Unless when revolutions break out, or when wars are impending, the mass of the people of England do not pause to contemplate the movements of other states contented in their own repose, they disdain to examine the events which are in progress on the continent, or to form a just and provident estimate of what the future may contain. By foreigners this is attributed, and to a certain extent it is attri- Whilst we point out, with regret, these discreditbutable, to a spirit of reserve and national pride, able causes of our national indifference to the subwhich tempts some among us to treat the British do-ject of foreign affairs, we are far from considering minions as a species of "celestial empire," and to that it is traceable to these causes alone. On the undervalue, as of minor importance, our relations contrary, the increased pressure and interest of our with those whom some of our country gentlemen home affairs-the mighty questions which parliaand country parsons regard as little better than out-ment has been called upon to decide-the excited side barbarians. The agriculturist considers foreign politics to have some dangerous connection with the corn question; the fate of Poland is associated in his mind with the price of Dantzic wheat; and the very orthodox shrink from foreign alliances, as they do from foreign literature, or foreign systems of education; believing both to be synonymous with Jacobinism, immorality, and irreligion. Another cause tends, also, to the same result. The public schools and universities of England neglect altogether, if they do not specifically exclude from their course of study, those branches of learning which lead to a knowledge of the condition of other countries, of their constitutions, and of their interests. A boy at the head of Eton or Harrow may possibly know In these cases the public receive some equivalent something of the strength and organisation of the for the loss they sustain; but there are other losses Roman legion, or the Macedonian phalanx; but of for which they do not receive any equivalent whatthe military power and resources of Prussia or Aus- ever. Though reason may be silent, it must not be tria, he has learned nothing, except by mere acci- expected that party spirit should sleep. On the dent; or by private, unaided, and unrequited study. contrary, if we look back at the events of the last He may describe the voyages of Nearchos, and re- ten years, we shall find that the readiness with which main in ignorance of the voyages of Cook and Van-"fools rush in" has never been more strongly macouver. The cultivation of languages, one of the most useful accomplishments, and effectual modes of facilitating and diffusing a knowledge of foreign countries, and no less the means of enlarging the circle of intellectual acquirements, and multiplying and diversifying literary pleasures, is altogether undervalued and unprovided for. There might have been some insufficient excuse for all this; or at least these strange deficiencies might have been accounted for during the war. The continent was then closed MUSEUM.-Oct. 1840. passions which a near balance of parties never fails to produce, all divert public attention from continental interests. Local duties, which cannot be overlooked or neglected when public opinion exercises, as at present, a vigilant control over the actions of all men, engross the time and the attention of many whose minds might otherwise be directed to objects of greater magnitude, though more remote. The smallest insect, close to the eye, may conceal the whole outline of Mont Blanc. The time which, in other countries, is devoted to the consideration of European politics, is occupied in England by a county election, by attendance at quarter-sessions, or in meetings of poor-law guardians. nifested than in the parliamentary proceedings on 21 have stood aloof. They were too wise to intrust This state of things was altogether changed when their fortunes to a crazy and a foundering bark. But Mr. Canning became foreign minister, and asserted yet they have never omitted to turn to a party ac- with success his intellectual superiority. Suscepti count every circumstance which would furnish an ble to all great and generous emotions, boldly avowargument against their opponents. To this course, ing the sympathy which he felt for the cause of within certain limits, no objection can fairly be made. liberty and of progressive improvement-adorning, It is the practice, and it may appear to be the duty, with all the charms of his enchanting eloquence, the of an opposition, to press upon the government noble and exalted principles by which his foreign wherever they can do so with effect. But in attack-policy was influenced and governed, he infused a ing the foreign minister, a statesman, who really new spirit, and gave a higher and a better influence deserves that name, should never wound his coun- to the councils of his sovereign. Skilful and untry. An assault upon Downing street may be justi- daunted, he seemed to possess the art of winning at fiable, but the war should not be against England. once the monarch and the people. Resistless in his Her weight and her authority with foreign courts powers over a popular assembly, he could excite the should not be diminished by exhibitions of domestic enthusiasm which he was afterwards able to chasten dissensions; by attempts to frustrate the course of and to direct; and in explaining and justifying the her policy; by misrepresentations of the most exag- expedition to Portugal, he expounded those great gerated kind; and by holding out the false and de- principles of policy, on which, more than on the ceptive notion, that she had made unworthy sacri- force of arms, the power of England was destined to fices, and submitted to degrading indignities. Yet rest. The abilities and strong practical wisdom of all this has been done by some of our public men, his friend and colleague Mr. Huskisson, applying and done advisedly; contrary to that truer wisdom the same principles to the interests of commerce, and those more generous impulses which should manufactures, and finance, added to his authority. have governed the movements of political parties, and proved to all the world, that however Englishmen might be severed by domestic differences, yet when the interests of England in her foreign relations were concerned, and where the national glory was involved, they would speak, act, and feel as one man, regardless of all considerations whatever but those of duty and of an enlarged patriotism. But we have no hesitation in saying, and saying with pride, that what gave to the foreign policy of Mr. Canning its great strength and efficacy, was the conduct of the whig opposition. That party felt, as wise men should, and as honest men must, that the reputation and influence which the foreign secretary acquired, was gained rather for the British nation than for himself They felt a reasonable pride in To show how very efficient and indefatigable has the estimation with all Europe which Mr. Canning been the working of the evil spirit of party, it is ne- had won. A generous and disinterested support was cessary to revert to the state of European affairs in given by political opponents; and he was enabled to 1830, at the accession of Lord Grey's government. meet the assembled diplomatists of Europe, not only Previously to that event, the foreign affairs of Eng- as a minister possessing the confidence of his soveland had been directed in succession by two states- reign, but as a statesman wielding the unbroken men of strongly contrasted minds, and avowing strength of the commons of the united kingdom. It principles of a very opposite character. The late is true that, in his own ranks, there were found many Lord Londonderry, the organ of England at the of those "sly, slow things, with circumspective treaty of Vienna, thrown into contact with, and en- eyes," who viewed his elevation of character with joying the confidence of, the sovereigns composing suspicion and aversion. They shook their heads, the holy alliance-in intimacy with their advisers, and hinted their doubts, yielding to their great leader -wielding the authority derived from the military a very reluctant obedience. For a considerable time, glory and unbounded pecuniary sacrifices of his they did not dare to raise the standard of revolt. Country-possessing a spirited and manly character, Some were enchanted by the grace of his manner, a temper the most imperturbable, and manners sin- and by the charms of his eloquence; others were gularly pleasing, exercised a vast influence over the influenced by the calculation of party interests; a politics of Europe. This power was greatly aug- third party were subdued by his commanding authomented by his association with that illustrious mili-rity. It was only when he was called to the open tary character whose despatches, now fortunately possession of that political supremacy, which for given to the world, have added to the splendour of some years he had virtually possessed, that he found his exploits in the field the most exalted attributes himself abandoned and bitterly opposed by men who of genius in civil affairs. But great as his influence were incapable of commanding, but unwilling to undoubtedly was, it seemed almost exclusively to obey him. The result it is unnecessary, and it confine itself within the narrow limits of foreign would be painful to dwell upon. It is sufficient for courts, The holy alliance, it is true, was disclaimed our present purpose to show, that when Mr. Canas an unconstitutional association with which a Bri- ning as a minister, expressed his earnest desire that tish minister could not connect his sovereign. But Spain might triumph against French aggressionthe spirit of that alliance was adopted. England when, at a later period, he described the duties, the became a party to those abouchemens des rois, obligations, and pointed to the high destiny of Engwhich all the friends of liberal opinions contemplated land-he excited on his behalf, both at home and with mistrust and aversion; and the disappointed abroad, those feelings of admiration and of respect hopes of nations who had been led to expect the ex- which at his death were exhibited in the deep-felt tension of the principles of constitutional govern- sorrow of the wise and the good throughout the ments, reacted on the reputation of Lord London-world. This power of exciting a warm sympathy derry, and on the character of the foreign policy of for himself and his policy, distinguished him from his cabinet, his predecessor, Lord Londonderry. The one was truly formed to be the minister of a great constitu- which that government was encompassed, the state tional state; the other to be the zealous and eager of foreign affairs was not the least. True it is, that organ of an absolute monarch. It was under the Ireland was in a most dangerous condition; Orange auspices of these two masters, that two contrasted agitation, and open resistance to the law, consequent schools of foreign policy were founded; but the dis- upon the passing of the relief bill, perplexed the ciples of each carried the characteristics of their in-proceedings of the Duke of Northumberland-a nostructors greatly beyond what either instructor would bleman whose private worth and beneficence of chahave justified or recommended. It is exaggeration racter entitled him to much personal consideration; to say, that Lord Londonderry could have been a and the Roman Catholics, unconciliated by a concesfriend to despotism; it is a still greater absurdity to sion extorted, rather than conferred, and which asattribute to Canning any preference for democracy.sumed the appearance of the only victory won from An anecdote which we have heard, and heard from the Duke of Wellington, had, on their parts, resorted anthority, will serve as a good illustration of the dis- to violent and exaggerated language, and indefensitinction which existed between the principles and ble proceedings. The government were left without conduct of these two statesmen. When Canning supporters or followers, beyond their mere official succeeded to the seals of the foreign office, he found dependants. They had contrived to forfeit the confidence of that many of the most important branches of the public business had been carried on, not by official one side, without gaining the support of the other. despatches, or through the ordinary official and re- England herself was the scene of destructive viocognised organs of diplomacy, but in the shape of lence, spreading over nearly one half of the country. private letters, passing between the secretary of state Insurrectionary movements, and the new and formiand the ministers of foreign sovereigns. An intima- dable crime of incendiarism, had taken place without tion was given that the same course would be will-repression or punishment. True it is, that even in ingly pursued, and that this confidential correspon- the metropolis of London, public safety required on dence with foreign courts would be continued. The the part of the sovereign an unexampled avowal of answer, given upon the instant, was such as became weakness, manifested by the necessity of declining a British minister:-"I am the servant of my sove- the ceremonial of a reception by the city of London. reign, it is true; but I am responsible also to parlia- But grave and formidable as were all these sympment. The records of my office afford the means toms of danger, the state of the continent was still through which that responsibility can be enforced, more alarming. A revolution had burst forth in and my public conduct can be questioned. It is France; a king had been expelled from the throne. therefore necessary that all my public acts should A conspiracy against the freedom of the people, had appear on the face of my despatches; and though I led to the just punishment of the criminals. The feel flattered at the confidence you tender me, I must example of July had been followed in Belgium, decline an offer which is contrary to the spirit of the though on grounds more questionable. This crumconstitution of England." It will readily be ima- bling of thrones, this selection of new sovereigns, gined that a declaration of this description could not this creation of new constitutions, produced naturally fail to produce the strongest effect on the minds of and inevitably a sense of insecurity, which, in the those foreign ministers to whom it was addressed. palaces of the more despotic sovereigns, assumed the The secretary of state, who, in place of shrinking from more serious character of alarm. The shock extendparliamentary responsibility, adopted it as his guiding ed from Paris throughout the Peninsula, to Italy, principle, and as a controlling power co-ordinate Germany, and Poland. The constitutional philosowith the duty owing to the crown, raised at once the pher, whilst he might have deplored the necessity of immediate practical inference, that he was resolved such a violent remedy, rejoiced to think that the liberso to govern his public conduct as to bear public ties of mankind had vindicated their just prerogatives discussion, and to deserve the approval of the repre- against that combination of fatuity and despotism sentatives of the people. One act of this kind spoke which sought their destruction. But such could not out, more powerfully, than volumes of diplomatic have been the feelings of the more absolute powers. professions would have done; and it brought home To them a successful revolution, under any provocato the conviction of foreign powers that the course tion whatsoever, appeared an unmixed evil. The of Canning's policy must be, in all respects, conso- overthrow of a throne, more especially when a first example was successfully followed, was to them an nant to the spirit of our free institutions. During the interval which occurred between the evil portent. All the elements for war seemed to be lamented death of Mr. Canning, and the formation prepared; and had war broken out, it must have exof Lord Grey's government, the policy of the Duke ceeded the horrors of the contest closed by the vicof Wellington (except, perhaps, for the few months tory of Waterloo. Such a way must have involved during which the late Lord Dudley remained at the Europe in one common calamity. It was at this foreign office) was an avowed adoption of the policy period that Lord Ashburton, no inattentive or careof Lord Londonderry. The reluctant admission of less observer, made his memorable declaration, that the Greek treaty, the proceedings in respect to Por- a statesman who would preserve the general peace, tugal, the affair of Terceira-all proved, to a demon- even for three months, would be entitled to the eter stration, that the helm was altered;-the vessel was nal gratitude of his contemporaries and of posterity. put about, and her head turned towards a new point The position of Englaud was in some respects a of the compass. She was, in fact, bound for a very proud one, but it was also one of fearful responsibil different point from that for which, under Canning's guidance, she had been destined. ity. It was her duty to advise where advice was permitted; to win confidence by legitimate means; to act as a friend, a mediator, and so to use her moral strength as to avert any outbreak, or any aggressive movement from any quarter. The Duke of Wel- third, the confidence of the great European powers. lington, with wise promptitude, had recognised the With regard to each of these points, it seems to have change of sovereignty in France; he had also com- been the object of the tory party to disturb, so far as menced the negociations respecting Belgium, though they were able, the course of our foreign policy. not taking that position of strict impartiality which They endeavoured to revive old national prejudicescould alone render his interposition advantageous, or they represented the good offices and good wishes of his diplomacy successful. The government of Lord the government towards France as a sacrifice of Grey, at once placed itself in close and friendly alli- domestic interests. If the duties on French wines ance with France. This was essential to the great were lowered, this politic and wise alteration of the cause of European peace. The consciousness of a law was stated to be a sacrifice of the ancient pringood understanding between two great powers, too ciples of England, and the interests of her ally, Porlong the representatives of national antipathies, ren- tugal. If the legitimate trade in silk were facilitated, dered any aggression upon France, from without, and the temptation to smuggling diminished, Cowholly impossible. It was this good understanding ventry and Macclesfield were invited to reject an anand community of interest which secured to France ti-national government. Even French pears and a breathing-time, and enabled her to recover from cherries were to be dealt with as forbidden fruit; and the formidable excitement consequent on the revolu- the importation of apples riper and more golden than tion of July. Nor was this all. In securing France our own, was to be discouraged; as if the orchards from attack, the neighbouring countries were also of Kent and Sussex were the true gardens of the secured from aggression on her part. It was the Hesperides. Nor was any opportunity lost to dismoral influence of the policy of England, at this peri-parage the character and station of the king of the od, which preserved Europe in a state of tranquillity, French. So far was the British alliance from being and maintained that equipoise on which every hope any protection to that sovereign against slight and of peace depended. The cordiality of our alliance disrespect, it was on the very ground of our alliance with France, necessary as it was for this great end, that he was made the object of contumely and rewas frankly avowed, and most sincerely professed. proach. Conservative statesmen would scarcely perAt the same time, the diplomatic interposition of the met him, whom they were pleased to call "the Citiforeign office was employed-unremittingly employ-zen King," and "the Monarch of the Barricades," ed-in adjusting the disputes of Holland and of Bel- to "come between the wind and their nobility." If gium. Fortunately, there was placed in the direction the flag which France, under its altered constitution, of foreign affairs, a statesman whose abilities, discre- had naturally assumed as a national emblem, was tion, and application, enabled him to meet and to sur- exhibited among the flags of other friendly powers, mount the difficulties of his position. Attached to it was pointed out with reproach as the badge of the foreign policy of Canning, Lord Palmerston was jacobinism and of revolution. The satires and libels well chosen to vindicate and to re-assert the enlarged of French republicans and Carlists, were praised and liberal principles on which that foreign policy and repeated by the tory journals. Every act, howhad been founded. The highest eulogium which ever inadvertent or trivial, which could be distorted can be tendered to his exertions, is to be found in its into a cause of national offence, was dwelt upon and complete and undeniable success. exaggerated. If a shot had been fired inadvertently, Nor was there made at this exigency, as has been or a seaman had been claimed from a post-office packmost unjustly asserted, any sacrifice of British inter- et by mistake-however full and complete might ests to our foreign connection. If it was important have been the reparation offered, however satisfactory that France should remain at peace, and secure from the apology-hostile motions were made in parliaforeign attack, this result was the interest of Eng- ment, papers were called for, and the degradation of land also. If revolutionary movements against other England was said, by tory orators, to have been concountries would have produced a war, by that war summated. We, who, as the greatest naval power, the permanent interests of England could not fail to have carried to the utmost the rights of blockade, were have been endangered. But to secure the peace of called upon to adopt the most opposite principles in Europe, it was essential that strength as well as negociation from those which we had asserted in acwisdom should appear in the councils of the British tion. All these charges, though disproved as often government. It was also essential that our govern- as they were made, were repeated with the utmost ment should possess, as it undoubtedly deserved, the assurance. We trust that such follies can have proconfidence of foreign courts. Every act and sugges-duced no permanent impression. More particularly tion to create distrust in those courts, diminished the power of England for good; and not only lowered her station among the sovereignties of Europe, but exposed her, and Europe likewise, to the most formidable perils. Now, we are prepared to state, and to demonstrate, that the whole course and tenour of the conduct of the tory opposition had the object, and for a considerable time had the effect also, of diminishing the weight of this country in its foreign relations--by sowing mistrust and suspicion where cominon interests, as well as good faith, rendered trust and confidence absolutely indispensable. There were three objects most essential to British and to European interests; namely, first, the French alliance; second, the settlement of Belgium; and do we hope that neither the French people nor the French government can mistake the mischievous agitation of a disappointed party, for a real national movement. On the contrary, they may be well assured that the sound part of the British nation rejoice in that prosperity, which cannot but increase in France so long as constitutional liberty is enjoyed and peace preserved. The king of the French may be well assured, that whatever may be felt by those who claim to reign by Divine right-however ready others may be to consider his as a revolutionary throne, and his dynasty as an usurpation-however eager they may be to exclude him from la catégorie des rois, and to treat him as an inferior-no such narrow and unjustifiable feelings can prevail amongst |