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you like, have farms bearing the same relation to other farms as the Great Eastern does to other ships; but the Great Eastern has a small steam-boat on her deck, and many other small boats hung around her; and so in the same way let us have crofts and small farms interspersed between these large farms, and we shall have increasing progress and social development without this awful inheritance of moral degradation. This will do much to cure an intolerable evil, and to raise that class of men in Scotland who were its glory in former days. Go back to the time of the Covenanters, who fought the great battle of liberty in this country, and we will find that they consisted of this very class of men of small property, but with stout hearts and strong arms. (Applause.) These were the men that bore aloft the flag in the days of the Covenant; and I am persuaded that, by the diffusion of this class among the community, we shall do much to restore the state of things which existed in former days, and to arrest the progress of rural profligacy. But, then, what is to be done with the town districts? I am persuaded that if the rural districts were once put right, the problem in regard to the cities would become a far simpler one. If men who came from the rural districts came to their cities in a state of social degradation, instead of coming comparatively pure and vigorous, instead of infusing a healthy life into the community, they simply aided the corruption and degradation. In regard to the growing evils of our crowded cities, there is a very affecting instance mentioned in the Report, which shews that the evil is spreading to our villages and county towns. In the town of Hawick, one of our elders reported that in one of the streets there are forty-two single apartments, measuring twelve by fourteen feet, and that living three hundred and forty-seven human beings; three hundred and forty-seven divided by forty-two gives an average of more than eight persons to each of these small rooms, and in one of them fourteen individuals found a home. We all thought it was an exaggeration when it was mentioned some time ago in regard to St Giles' in London, that there were five Irish families in one room, one in each corner, and one in the middle. (Laughter.) When asked how they contrived to breathe in such a place, one Irishman said, "We got on very well till the gentleman in the middle took in a lodger, and then we had great difficulty in getting along." (Laughter and applause.) But here we have fourteen individuals in one room, and this is about as bad as the Irishman's habitation after all, and all this because a great proprietor refuses ground on which to build on any terms.

there then were

shiels were

I understand that if the state of Gala

compared to the state of Hawick, a very striking contrast is simply this, that a great landlord in the one place allows the people would be found, Galashiels being in a much better state; and the reason to build houses, and a great landlord in the other will not allow them to build them. The question comes, ought landlords in this country to have such a power as this, to degrade a whole population, and to inflict on them and on the whole community a vast amount of evil? When we take land for railways and public buildings by compulsion at a fair price, it seems a fair question whether in such a case as this we ought not to have the power of taking the land at a fair value to build houses. (Applause.) Then, again, the question ought to be raised, how far in. great cities men should be allowed to let untenantable houses more than they should be allowed to sell poisons or corrupt food. (Continued ap

plause.) I have no doubt that, at a very early period, the consideration of our statesmen must be given to these and similar questions, if the country is to be saved from absolute ruin. Dr Begg then alluded to the proposal which had been made in regard to such cities as Glasgow, of carrying the workmen three or four miles out of town by railway. He then observed that this was called the age of progress and the march of intellect, but unfortunately it was to a great extent a backward progress; and it was high time that, looking at the matter from a high moral and spiritual platform, and seeing its bearing upon the moral and everlasting interests of the people, they should lift up their voices, and should rack their ingenuity for the purpose of applying a remedy to these evils. He then alluded to the difficulties attending the providing of houses for working men in large cities, the chief of which was that, commercially, the building of this class of houses would not pay on a sufficiently large scale to accommodate the whole population. He then went on to say that they must come more in contact with the people themselves, and tell them plainly that, if they were to be lifted up, they must labour to lift up themselves. They could, many of them, out of the money which they now spend on drink and tobacco, furnish themselves with houses; and in this respect they were far behind their brethren in England, both in depositing in savings banks, and in building their own houses. Dr Begg then referred to the census, and said they got comparatively little information from it as it was taken just now. He thought that valuable information might be obtained as to the state of the houses by ascertaining the number of apartments in each house. It might also be made very valuable in obtaining information as to the state of education, and as to the state of religion. He objected to merely asking a person what Church he belonged to, unless the number actually attending church were also ascertained, because, in his own experience, he found that whenever he asked a heathen what Church he belonged to, he generally answered, "the Established Church." (Laughter.) Unless, therefore, this return was checked by a return of the numbers who entered and came out of every place of worship, it would only deceive. It was also a matter of importance that the Registrar-General's returns should be made more discriminating. For instance, it would be well to know to what denominations the mothers of the illegitimates belonged, which would enable them to apportion the blame among the Churches. He then alluded to the meeting of the Social Science Association at Glasgow. He had attended all the meetings of this Association, and he could assure them it was not only a very interesting but a very important institution; and he trusted that the ministers of all Churches would avail themselves of its organisation, for the purpose of probing the social evils of the country, and of labouring to correct them. He had found the main social activity of England based on Christianity; and he could assure his brethren that they need have no scruple in attending the meeting at Glasgow. This meeting might be made of great use to their country; and he trusted that it would be well supported by the people of Scotland. Dr Begg concluded with an eloquent appeal to all patriots and ministers of the gospel, to come forward and endeavour to preserve their country from the dangers to which it was exposed by the present state of things, and sat down amidst reiterated applause.

Mr DUNLOP, M.P., (who was indistinctly heard,) adverted to the fact

He

that in Greenock the number of marriages was greater in proportion to the population than many other places in Scotland, and that the number of illegitimate births was smaller than in any other town. From this it would be inferred that the number of houses in proportion to the population would be larger; but the number of houses in Greenock was comparatively small in proportion to the number of the population, and the consequence of this was that the proportion of deaths among children was very large. He understood, from returns recently made with reference to the effect of the Reform Bill, that in Greenock, if a £6 franchise were adopted, the constituency would be doubled-a far larger proportion than in any other town in Scotland-thus shewing that the value of house rents was higher than in any other town. did not mean to say that this militated against the statements of Dr Begg. On the contrary, he thought there was a vast deal of truth in what he had said; but it shewed that there were other elements which ought to be taken into account. He believed that, wherever they could foster the family relation, they made a great step towards the prevention of social evil. He believed that the want of house accommodation was one of the most essential causes of social evil; and he was delighted with the circumstances to which Dr Begg referred, in regard to the results of the experiment on the Annandale estates, which had been going on for years, and which had proved most successful. He was glad also to find that the building of houses for the labouring classes had proved, in a comparatively short time, a very profitable as well as a very philanthropic movement, and that a landlord was not only benefited by the great advantage of having decent and respectable people on his property, but that he was benefited economically by the return which he got for his money, because he did not believe that people would lay out their money in this way unless they got a fair return. He thought it was more cottages that was needed than crofts for small farmers. There ought to be a gradation of rank,-first, the man with his half acre and his cow, then the small farmer, then the farmer a little higher, and, lastly, the man with the very largest farm. This would give a stimulus which nothing else could give to a man, namely, the hope of rising into a higher station. He agreed with Dr Begg in regard to the census, that it would be desirable to get as much information as possible by means of it as regarded the state of the dwellings of the people, and also as regarded the numbers of each denomination. As the bill at present stood, it simply required that each person should give the religious denomination to which he belonged; but this, it was quite apparent, would be a perfect mockery-(applause)-so far as ascertaining the numbers belonging to each denomination was concerned, and he thought the bill would be much better without it altogether. As regarded the Social Science meeting in Glasgow, he hoped that meeting would be attended by all in Scotland interested in the advancement of social morality. (Applause.)

Mr FRASER, Paisley, moved the adoption of the following deliverance : "The General Assembly approve of the Report, record their thanks to the Committee, especially to the Convener, and reappoint the Committee, with instructions to prosecute further the object of their appointment. The Assembly also continues to direct the attention of the inferior courts of the Church to the social evils which prevail in many parts of the land,

and to the duty.of using every effort for the purpose of securing their removal. The Assembly also resolves to memorialise the Government, that the approaching census in 1861 may be so taken, as to disclose in a uniform manner, over the entire kingdom, the state of the dwellings of the people, the actual amount of education, and of the attendance at the respective places of worship; and the Assembly authorise the Committee to make application to the Registrar-General for Scotland, with a view to having the Quarterly Returns in regard to births and deaths made more specific and discriminating." Mr Fraser proceeded to say-I have no hesitation in moving this resolution, as every Report submitted by Dr Begg so clearly tells its own story that whoever moves its adoption has a light duty to perform. ("Hear, hear," and cheers.) The Report, however, is of such startling interest, and touches so deeply our social and moral condition, that we cannot pass it over in the ordinary routine of a Report. The work in which this Committee are engaged appears to me to be one of the most important to which the Church can direct its attention, while, at the same time, it is often the most repulsive. Our very nationality also, it appears to me, interferes to prevent our laying bare fully our weakness and corruption. We would fain believe that the statistics are all false, when we look at the unfavourable comparison instituted with other countries. We are unwilling to admit that pauperism is actually greater in Scotland than in Ireland, that our morality is lower than that of France, and our social independence inferior to that of England. The statistics, however, so far as they have gone, seem to warrant fully the conclusions Dr Begg has founded upon them. It must be gratifying to us to find the Free Church now dealing with these great questions, and to find them under the direction of a convener of such firmness of purpose, clearness of insight, and untiring energy, fitted, under God, to conduct the labours of this Church in this department to a successful issue. (Cheers.) I am sure it is the unanimous sense of the Assembly that Dr Begg has placed, not only the Free Church, but the whole country under the deepest obligations to him by the comprehensiveness, fearlessness, and power with which he has brought this whole subject before this Assembly. (Cheers.) Mr Fraser then referred to the bothy system and the crowded dwellings in large cities, especially Glasgow, in their operation as causes of illegitimacy and vice, and referred to the startling disclosures made by Mr Salmon of Glasgow in regard to the condition of working men's houses, as published in the Guardian. Mr Fraser proceeded to say-What is to be done? how are these evils to be met? Exploration is our first duty. The depth of these abysses of misery must be fathomed—the material compass of sorrow must be traced; and the worst known evil and suffering are not in their manifestations immeasur able they are not infinite. A deadly miasma, as Isaac Taylor says his admirable Essay on Civilisation, has its definite area, its skirts and altitude, and may be traced in section. Thus, with some abatement as to precision, may the entire contents of the wretchedness of cities be taken. Surely, if measured and fathomed, they may be met; surely Christian Churches uniting, may restore the family circles of the past, and give us once again in every house the exemplification of the "Cottar's Saturday Night." (Hear, hear.) While the Church can do much, she cannot do all. There is information needed which only the Government can secure for us. He therefore most cordially approved of the sugges

in

tion of Dr Begg to memorialise the Government to secure additional information. As the Census Bill stood for England, there is at present no provision for ascertaining the number of places of worship. To put the question as to religious persuasion alone, is to leave matters in the worst state possible. A co-presbyter of his own, the Rev. Mr Pollock, had occasion to take the statistics of a district in Paisley, and he found more non-church-going population who said they belonged to the Abbey Church (Established) than would have filled it to the door. He then shewed how, owing to hundreds of Irish Presbyterians in our large towns who are non-church-going, and who knew nothing of our differences as Established, Free, and United Presbyterian, the statistical returns would not be worth the schedules on which they would be entered. He insisted that the Sabbath attendance should be also taken as a corrective. The Census Bill for Ireland, he said, was still worse. In it there was not a single question of any kind regarding religious belief; the whole was utterly ignored. They had no means of knowing the relative proportions of Roman Catholics and Protestants. In 1841, the whole population amounted to 7,370,419; in 1851, to 5,737,446; in 1859 the computed population, according to the Registrar-General for Ireland, would be 5,253,745. There is here a marvellous decrease. Ten thousand emigrated recently in a single month, and it is alleged that three-fourths of these are Roman Catholics. The Established Church in Ireland is demanding investigation. She is not, as is alleged, preventing returns. The two populations, it is believed, are almost reduced to an equality; and if so, with what reason can the Roman Catholic prelates urge their demand for a wider grasp of the education of the country? Mr Cardwell says, in reply, They get already £80 out of every £100. But if the two populations be nearly equal, what right have the Roman Catholics to four-fifths of our money, while the Protestants receive only one-fifth? These questions should be clearly answered. The country should not allow the Government to tamper with data, absolutely essential to the satisfactory investigation of nearly every question between Roman Catholics and Protestants in regard to religion, history, philosophy, social life, and civilisation. He held that it was not only unphilosophical, but unmanly and unworthy of the statesmanship of a free country like Britain to trifle on the ground of mere political expediency with momentous interests like these. He had only further to say, in conclusion, that he most cordially approved of Dr Begg's suggestion as to giving fullest countenance to the next meeting of the Social Science Association. It was doing a great work. Indeed, he felt that its very existence was a rebuke to the Christian Church. It was dealing with great social and moral interests which the Church of Christ should have fully acknowledged and met. One grand mistake had been to keep apart the secular from the spiritual, the bodily health from the prosperity of the soul. We are commanded to preach to our people that they glorify God in their body and in their spirit; but while we have been most careful to bring light to the intellect, objects of attractive loveliness to the heart, and moral law to the conscience, we have not been careful to diffuse light, pure air, and the physical comforts of social life around the body. We have not put forth human efforts as we ought on behalf of temporal necessities. When Christ stood by the grave of Lazarus, He commanded the Jews to roll the stone away, and then He summoned forth the dead.

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