call must be presented through the presbytery of which the minister in question is a member, and it remains optional with the presbytery to accede to the call or not; nor will the presbytery accede to the call, unless, by the way, it is accompanied with an assurance, that the minister shall have some several hundred dollars for his labors!

Here comes the proof: "And no minister or candidate shall receive a call but through the hands of the presbytery." Constitution, p. 376.

In the Methodist church, though the appointment of the preachers to their several circuits is with the bishop and presiding elders in council, yet the people have the right of petitioning for whatever preacher they please, and their petitions always meet with a respectful consideration. Hence, the choice of the people on this plan of procedure, is as likely to prevail, as on that pursued by the Presbyterians. In this respect the Methodists have the advantage. And if it so come to pass that they get a preacher they are not pleased with, they have the consolation to know that one year, will end their connexion with him.

Not so with the Presbyterians: they must grin and bear it, as the vulgar saying is. Look at their condition in Dandridge, in Knoxville, in little Newport, at West-Minster, and at various other places too tedious to mention. But I proceed. 85. Has not Episcopacy heretofore been unfavorable to civil liberty?

Ans. The mitre and the crown have a strong affinity for each other. Dr. Clarke says, as the state has its king so the church should have its bishop.

86. Has not Presbyterianism ALWAYS promoted civil liberty?

Ans. It is REPUBLICANISM, and must necessarily produce a strong preference for that form of civil government."

The above paragraph ends my quotations from the Catechism. I could scarcely repel the temptation to laugh when I first read the above. Episcopacy unfavorable to civil liberty! Presbyterianism favorable to civil liberty! Indeed! We shall soon see how this note will chime in with the others. Who, I ask, and I ask it with a pity for the writer who has put this rod into my hands,-until quite recently possessed all power, civil and religious, in New-England? Who, previous to the political struggle and revolution, which took place in the state of Connecticut in 1816, arrested and fined a Methodist preacher for marrying members of his own congregation? Who caused the poor man's cow to be sold to

pay tax to the priest! Who assessed the inhabitants of each town to build churches and pay minister's salaries? Who hanged the Quakers, whipped and branded the Baptists, persecuted and fined the Methodists in New-England, for a difference in religious belief? I answer, the Republican Presbyterians! God save us from such republicanism!

I think the Presbyterians are the last people above ground who should touch this delicate subject. It was republican Presbyterianism, which, in Holland, was propagated by the sword! Republican Presbyterianism, in the hands of his Holiness, John Calvin, led him to murder a pious and an innocent man for a difference in religious belief! It is of no use to say Presbyterians do not act so now. I know they do not. And I know why they do not. They cannot-dare not. The law will not allow them. They have the disposition yet. All that keeps them down is fear,

Neither Constantine the great, or the Pope of Rome, were ever more anxious to unite church and state, than are the leading characters in the Presbyterian church in the United States. Should they ever succeed, the horrible scenes transacted by their predecessors in Europe, and in the north of Germany, will be the quintescence of peace, compared with what we shall see in this country. From such republicanism, may our good Lord deliver us!

One word more. Among all the low, scurrilous, bitter, and acrimonious publications constantly teeming from the press: infidel and semi-infidel works; of licentious novels; and of the whole tribe of catch-penny writers, and pumphleteers, I have never seen any which abounds with more false statements and insinuations, than this Catechism. I can but exclaim, while contemplating such weakness, "Lord, what is

man!"

PART III.

Being further proof of the ambitious designs of the Presbyterian clergy, and of their aiming at a union of church and state.

CHAPTER I.

THE NEW-ENGLAND CLERGY OPPOSED TO THE WAR OF 1812.

GOOD government is dependent for its success on religion, while religion is not in any sense dependent on government. Apart from any thing like aid, and even against opposition from government, experience has taught us that religion can prosper. True as is the proposition, that religion is not dependent on government, a majority of both the ministers and members of the Presbyterian church, believe otherwise. And this mistake has been a common one in Christendom for ages; and from this one mistake, since the days of Constantine and Theodosius, a great part of the miseries of Christendom have resulted.

This principle seems to have come from the maxims of ancient states, where governments have been hereditary; and where religion has been made an instrument of state policy. The tendency of such a system is to be seen in Catholic and Mahommedan countries. And it is to be seen with more or less of its direful influence, in all those countries where there is an established religion, and a hierarchy, associated with the court as a state machinery. I say it was this which first opened the flood gates of impurity upon the church; until, finally, the impure streams were so swelled and multiplied that they well nigh swept pure religion from the earth. Then it was, that the clergy became corrupt-exceedingly so,—but it was not until after they had obtained such an ascendency over the minds of the people by means of the junction of state policy with the affairs of the church, which enabled them to live at their ease, to riot in luxury, and to awe the ignorantly superstitious by a splendid exterior.

These remarks apply chiefly to the Roman Catholic and Greek churches; but they will apply with some little abatement to the Presbyterian church also, as well as to most of the Protestant churches of Europe.

If we turn our attention to Geneva, the theatre of John Calvin's glory, we shall find but little to cheer us amidst the general gloom which spread itself over Protestant Europe. If we look to Scotland, where the intrepid and pious Knox, displayed the banner of the cross, we shall not find a great deal to cheer us. If we go to England, the land of our ancestors, for a century and a half past, we will meet with but little encouragement. The cause of this is, that in each and all of those places, the clergy were aided and strengthened by the strong arm of civil power and protection.

And if we turn our attention to beloved America, we will find, that at the memorable era of her political independence, when almost every state had its laws for the support of its favorite theory of christianity, her condition was but little better.

The following extracts are taken from a political sermon, preached by the Rev. David Osgood, D. D., pastor of the church at Medford:-"The strong prepossessions of so great a proportion of my fellow-citizens in favor of a race of demons (the American people) and against a nation of more religion, virtue, good faith, generosity, and beneficence, (Great Britain) than any that now is, or ever has been upon the face of the earth, wring my soul with anguish, and fill my heart with apprehensions and terror of the judgment of heaven upon this sinful people.'

"If at the command of weak or wicked rulers, they undertake an unjust war, each man who volunteers his services in such a cause, or loans his money for its support, or by his conversation, his writings, or any other mode of influence, encourages its prosecution, that man is an accomplice in the wickedness, loads his conscience with the blackest crimes,brings the guilt of blood upon his soul, and-in the sight of God and his law is a murderer."

"My mind has been in a constant agony, not so much at the invisible foes of our temporal prosperity and happiness, and the complicated miseries of war, as at its guilt, its outrage against heaven, against all truth, honesty, justice, goodness-against all the principles of social happiness." course delivered June 27, 1812, pages 9 & 12.

Dis

The following extracts are from a political sermon, preached by the Rev. Elijah Parish, D. D., at Byfield:-"The Israelites became weary of yielding the fruits of their labor to pamper their splendid tyrants. They left their political woes. They separated! WHERE IS OUR MOSES!! WHERE IS THE ROD OF